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1. Introduction -- 2. Muddling through : an anatomy of British urban sprawl -- 3. The fall and rise of 'Solent city' -- 4. Administering sprawl in South Hampshire -- 5. Strategic growth and conservation in South Hampshire -- 6. Strategic growth and the provision of services and infrastructure in South Hampshire -- 7. The metropolis without a government -- 8. Conclusion.

In the years after World War II, a distinctly American model for suburban development emerged. The expansive rings of outer suburbs that formed around major cities were decentralized and automobile oriented, an embodiment of America's postwar mass-production, mass-consumption economy. But alternate models for suburbia, including "transit-oriented development," "smart growth," and "New Urbanism," have inspired critiques of suburbanization and experiments in post-suburban ways of living. In Sequel to Suburbia, Nicholas Phelps considers the possible post-suburban future, offering historical and theoretical context as well as case studies of transforming communities. Phelps first locates these outer suburban rings within wider metropolitan spaces, describes the suburbs as a "spatial fix" for the postwar capitalist economy, and examines the political and governmental obstacles to reworking suburban space. He then presents three glimpses of post-suburban America, looking at Kendall-Dadeland (in Miami-Dade County, Florida), Tysons Corner (in Fairfax County, Virginia), and Schaumburg, Illinois (near Chicago). He shows Kendall-Dadeland to be an isolated New Urbanism success; describes the re-planning of Tysons Corner to include a retrofitted central downtown area; and examines Schaumburg's position as a regional capital for Chicago's northwest suburbs. As these cases show, the reworking of suburban space and the accompanying political process will not be left to a small group of architects, planners, and politicians. Post-suburban politics will have to command the approval of the residents of suburbia.

International audience ; Abstract: This review of the external economies associated with manufacturing FDI in host economies argues that the balance of forces of internalisation and externalisation is currently skewed towards the former and the interests of MNEs rather than the latter and the interests of local and national communities. A stylised comparison of developmental and competition state interventions suggests that in the absence of effective and co-ordinated interventions by governments, there will commonly be a failure of the logic of internalisation to permit localised externalisation.

This review of the external economies associated with manufacturing FDI in host economies argues that the balance of forces of internalisation and externalisation is currently skewed towards the former and the interests of MNEs rather than the latter and the interests of local and national communities. A stylised comparison of developmental and competition state interventions suggests that in the absence of effective and co-ordinated interventions by governments, there will commonly be a failure of the logic of internalisation to permit localised externalisation.

Today's world economy has been likened to a mosaic of interconnected regions or islands of economic development. Be they successful 'industrial districts' or less successful, less sustainable and equitable enclaves of multinational enterprise-led development, such islands of industrialization are looked to as sites for the generation and diffusion of potentially transferable practices and knowledge. I examine current debate over the extent to which Batam is regarded a model and anti-model of industrialization both in reformasi Indonesia and beyond. Batam was developed under the auspices of a highly centralized and authoritarian Indonesian government - at a time when the state had the means, though not the appetite, to replicate or transplant elements elsewhere. As such, Batam represents a unique, unrepeatable experiment and one which central government has viewed more as an anti-model, given new demands on territorial management in reformasi Indonesia. Nevertheless, Batam's uniqueness and the growing exposure of its institutions to international business, trade and investment promotion and skill development practices, mean that there are inescapable top-down and bottom-up pressures for elements of Batam's industrialization to serve as models elsewhere in newly democratized and decentralizing reformasi Indonesia. In conclusion, the paper highlights the, as yet, weak and asymmetrical institutional developments on Batam that are currently thought of as potential models.

In an increasingly integrated international economy, nation-states are, of themselves, no longer the prime containers or coordinators of political-economic activity. The extra-territoriality of states and the blurring of the boundaries between states and firms, for example, have been captured in analytical concepts such as "triangular diplomacy" the "web of global interdependencies" and "cosmopolitan democracy". Such trends have become visible in what have been termed mega-urban regions or zones of economic integration or of graduated sovereignity. Moreover, such zones are held to illustrate non-traditional or cooperative inter-state relations. This paper utilized Stopford and Strange's (1991) notion of "triangular diplomacy" to interpret the development of one such zone - the Indonesia-Malaysia-Singapore growth triangle (IMS-GT). The paper argues that whilst embodying elements of cooperative inter-state relations the development of the IMS-GT also highlights the persistence of the "traditional" concerns of inter-state relations. It also uses the notion of triangular diplomacy to draw attention to different models of social order south by multinational enterprises (MNEs). (Pac Rev/DÜI)

A major reason for the peripheral treatment of political conflict in established theories of urban development derives from the tendency to underplay questions of territory and spatial governance. In this paper we examine the implications of territorial discrepancy amongst governance arrangements and introduce the notion of 'urban political dissonance' in order to engage sustained patterns of conflict or incongruity. This focus implies examination of strategic action on the part of competing urban interests which may result in policy incoherence, institutional manoeuvring in pursuit of divergent objectives, and difficulties in finding workable compromise, with potentially significant implications for economic development outcomes. An illustrative case study is presented of growth politics in Oxford, U.K., where a central and unresolved dilemma over the physical expansion of the city has effectively defined the nature of development politics for a generation, leading to ongoing political conflict and policy incongruity.

In recent work on collaborative planning arguments have been made for the land-use planning system and local government to be considered within a broader context of local systems of governance and institutional capacity building. We consider the impact of the planning system upon a major inward-investment project within a system of governance in Wales which is unique in the sense that there is a vacuum of formal strategic planning. The investment by the Korean company LG, at Newport, South Wales, has prompted a degree of strategic collaboration between some of the institutions and organisations of local governance in South Wales. However, the LG case reveals some important limits to such strategic collaboration. The extreme flexibility required of the planning system by major inward investors promotes a rather impoverished form of strategic collaboration which is hierarchical in nature and select in its coverage both of the relevant institutions and organisations of governance and of the planning issues involved. In conclusion we identify some of the implications of the rather limited way in which the planning system currently impinges on inward investors through local systems of governance.