Suchergebnisse

Cilj ovog rada jeste da istraži uzroke i posledice ideološkog zaleđa Cvijićevih antropogeografskih i etnopsiholoških istraživanja na prostoru nekadašnjeg jugoslovenskog dela Balkanskog poluostrva. Cvijićevi intelektualni napori za osmišljavanjem novog jugoslovenskog identiteta, za koji je smatrao da je nužno neophodan u kontekstu uspešnog ostvarenja projekta državnog južnoslovenskog ujedinjenja, polazili su, kako će ovaj rad pokazati, od etnocentričnih premisa koje su rezultovale implicitnim 'naučnim' dokazima o srodnosti južnih Slovena prepoznatoj preko srpskih etničkih atributa. Shodno tome, jugoslovenska zamisao za Cvijića suštinski nije imala nad-etnički karakter, već je naprotiv, srpski etnički identitet smeštala u osnovu jugoslovenske 'nacije'. ; The paper explores the causes and effects of the ideological background of Jovan Cvijić's anthropogeographical and ethnopsychological research in the former Yugoslav region of the Balkan Peninsula. The paper shows that Cvijić's intellectual endeavors to forge a new Yugoslav identity, which he believed to be indispensable for the successful implementation of the South Slav state unification project, were based on ethnocentric premises that resulted in implicit 'scientific' evidence about kinship among the South Slavs recognized through Serbian ethnic attributes. For Cvijić, therefore the Yugoslav idea did not in essence have a supraethnic character; on the contrary, it was - the Serbian identity that provided the basis of the Yugoslav 'nation'.

Nedavna retorika 'kraja' ili 'neuspeha' multikulturalizma u Evropi i izvan nje antropologe nije iznenadila. Štaviše, izjave vodećih političara ključnih evropskih ekonomija deluju kao da se oslanjaju na višedecenijsku antropološku kritiku posledica neuspešne primene multikulturnih politika i u Evropi i na globalnom planu. Deluje kao da poruke koje čujemo poslednjih godina - da su multikulturne politike kontraindikovane, da slabe kontakte među kulturama, uskraćuju pojedincima pravo na promenu i izbor identiteta i osnažuju unutar-kulturne posednike moći, s patrijarhatom, nasiljem nad ženama i decom, napuštanjem školovanja, religijskim fundamentalizmom pa i terorizmom kao glavnim posledicama - političari čitaju iz antropoloških analiza zloupotreba kolektivnih 'kulturnih' prava. U radu se razmatra priroda ove sličnosti između diskursa političara i antropologa s posebnim naglaskom na status 'islama' u njima, i diskutuje da li je u pitanju kongruencija ili puka koincidencija stavova, kako prema manjinama, imigrantima i kulturnim različitostima, tako i prema regulativi koja je imala da tu različitost zaštiti kao fundamentalnu evropsku vrednost koja danas, makar na retoričkom planu, bledi. ; The recent rhetoric of the 'end' or 'failure' of multiculturalism in Europe and beyond came as no surprise to anthropologists. Moreover, the statements made by leading politicians of key European economies seem as though they are based on the decades old anthropological critique of the consequences of the failed implementation of multicultural policies in Europe and on the global level. It is as though the messages we have been getting over the course of the last few years - that multicultural policies are contraindicated, that they weaken the contacts between cultures, rob individuals of the right to change and chose their identities and strengthen intra-cultural mediators of power, with patriarchy, violence against women and children, leaving school, religious fundamentalism and even terrorism as main consequences - are being read by politicians from anthropological analyses of abuses of collective 'cultural' rights. The paper considers the nature of this similarity between the discourse of politicians and anthropologists with a special emphasis on the status of 'Islam' in them, and discusses whether it is congruence or mere coincidence of stances toward minorities, immigrants and cultural differences, as toward the regulations which were tasked with protecting this diversity as a fundamental European value which today, at least at the rhetorical level, seems to be fading.

The results of theoretical and field research into a) the state of protection of minorities' intangible cultural heritage, and b) the evaluation criteria for social sciences and humanities in the Republic of Serbia, indicate a clear and concerning correlation. Seemingly paradoxically, social sciences and humanities in the Serbian language are in an equally unfavorable, undervalued position as is the cultural heritage of minorities relative to that of the majority population's. Analysis suggests that, although they mostly do not perceive themselves in this way, Serbian social sciences and humanities scholars arc a vulnerable social group in the sector of science and higher education, in the same sense in which ethnic minorities and communities are in terms of government cultural policy. The paper, based on the conclusions of an analysis of selected cross-study findings of field and theoretical research over a number of years, also proposes how the existing vulnerability factors can be eliminated and future ones prevented, particularly through cooperation between these two, often mutually opposed groups.

The situation caused by the appearance of Covid-19 can be viewed as a critical event: typologically, it is an unprecedented event, which requires and shapes new forms of historical action hitherto unknown in the given context. Critical events serve as strong value and emotional landmarks in the cultural cognition of each social environment, and form the basis for a meaningful determination towards other events. Using material collected primarily from the online versions of electronic and printed media, we consider how the reality they presented is shaped through the news through the statements of politicians and medical doctors in Serbia. We trace how the narrative transformation of socio-cultural reality took place from the time before the of Covid-19 outbreak in our country to the time immediately after the lifting of the state of emergency declared due to that infection. The premise of all that is being done to tackle the infection is not a purpose in itself, but aims to enable a return to the life we were accustomed to before the outbreak of the epidemic. Covid-19 destabilizes our everyday life - a life that consists of work or study, use of free time, socializing etc. Such everyday life is a reference point of "normalcy". Socio-cultural normalcy refers to all that is understood as a normal and undisturbed course of everyday life. The appearance of Covid-19 gave rise to the notion of the "new normal", that is, a course of everyday life that is similar to normal, ordinary life, but with adherence to measures aimed at preventing the spread of infection by the authorities. In the paper we deal with the period that begins just before the outbreak of Covid-19 in our country, and ends with the period after the lifting of the state of emergency, to show the discursively produced picture of social reality in which the concept of the "new normal" serves as a cultural cognitive tool for understanding a situation in which one has to live with Covid-19 in order to one day be able to return to the way of life that existed before it.

In this paper we analyze the different ways in which COVID-19 is used as a carrier of cultural communication, whereupon it appears as a signifier of other socio-cultural phenomena and as a conveyer of messages of such communication. Accordingly, this paper will not observe health plan of COVID-19, nor the accompanying sociological phenomena of the epidemic in the strict sense of the word, but will focus instead on the cultural dimension of the infection. As a cultural phenomenon, the process of the planetary spread of COVID-19 infection - and hence the virus itself - can be viewed as an ambiguous symbol through which the collective experience of reality is constructed and communicated, perceived and interpreted. By relying on the decades-long tradition of Serbian ethnology and anthropology in the modified application of structural-semantic analysis, we define the use of COVID-19 as a symbolic means of cultural communication, here seen as indexical. This means that the said communication is organized on the principle that "A indicates B", where the signifying A refers to the metaphorical and metonymic use of the disease, and B refers to various social phenomena related to it. As a metonymy, the considered phenomenon can be seen in the light of the classical binary division of purity and danger, whereupon the virus, in the cultural sense, divides the whole social reality into pure (still unpolluted) and impure aspects, one corresponding to the "normal" condition of things, and the other indicating a sense of explicit danger - not only from infection, but from the collapse of the social system and the disintegration of public health and community as well. As a metaphor, we observe the virus in relation to the official political instrumentalization of the discourse of warfare, which - depending on who employs it, and why - generates different notions on the "invisible enemy", war victims (deceased as a consequence of infection) and "(super) heroes" (primarily, health workers, but also state officials and other public figures). COVID-19 is, however, peculiar because it can also play the role of an inverse sign, by which common cultural concepts and representations are perverted, destabilizing the shared sense of "real" and "normal".