This paper analyses the general election held on 7th October 2020 in the Bailiwick of Guernsey, a British Crown Dependency and the second largest of the Channel Islands with a population of 63,021. In an election described by the Electoral Reform Society as the strangest in the world (ERS, 2020), all thirty-eight members of the States of Guernsey were elected from an island wide list of 119 candidates using the multiple non-transferable vote (or 'bloc vote') variant of the 'first-past-the-post' system. The election disrupted the social networks of the previously highly localised parish based electoral system, and for the first time presented voters with three political parties, alongside the majority of candidates who stood as independents. This paper uses material obtained by interviews with those closely involved. It discusses Guernsey's unique system of government and the context within which the election took place. This paper concludes by reflecting on the prospects of an emerging party system, considers the consequences of the election results and draws out governance and political implications that may frame debates in Guernsey in the years ahead. ; peer-reviewed
Brands are strategic assets and key to achieving a competitive advantage. Brands can be seen as a heuristic device, encapsulating a series of values that enable the consumer to make quick and efficient choices. More recently, the notion of a political brand and the rhetoric of branding have been widely adopted by many political parties as they seek to differentiate themselves, and this has led to an emerging interest in the idea of the political brand. Therefore, this paper examines the UK Conservative Party brand under David Cameron's leadership and examines the applicability of Kapferer's brand identity prism to political branding. This paper extends and operationalises the brand identity prism into a 'political brand identity network' which identifies the inter-relatedness of the components of the corporate political brand and the candidate political brand. Crucial for practitioners, this model can demonstrate how the brand is presented and communicated to the electorate and serves as a useful mechanism to identify consistency within the corporate and candidate political brands.
There are explicit calls for deeper understanding of the creation, orientation, and development of "new" political brands from an "internal relational" perspective. Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this study explores the establishment, orientation, and position of the Jury Team; a U.K. political brand founded in March 2008. This article opted for an exploratory case study approach. Interviews were conducted with the Party founder‐leader. Semistructured interviews were conducted from September 2012 to October 2013. Transcripts were analyzed via qualitative thematic analysis. This research presents the challenges that face new political brands, particularly the barriers from the media and existing political system and difficulties with managing candidates and a national‐local campaign. Further, this study provides a "political brand development matrix" for brands within and beyond politics; a mechanism to deconstruct their offering and make adaptations if required.Related Articles
König, Pascal D., and Georg Wenzelburger. 2014. "." Politics & Policy 42 (): 400‐430. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12076/full Related Media . 2009. "Rantzen Backs Jury Team Project." May 20. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/8059333.stm
. 2009. "European Election 2009: UK Results." June 8. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/bsp/hi/elections/euro/09/html/ukregion_999999.stm
Purpose – There are explicit calls for research devoted to how political actors present their brand to the electorate and how this is interpreted. Responding to this, the purpose of this paper is to build an understanding of how political brand messages and values are received and aligned with voter expectations, which in turn shapes the consistency of a political brand. Design/methodology/approach – Using an interpretivist perspective, this two-stage approach first focuses on semi-structured interviews with internal stakeholders of the UK Conservative Party and second uses focus group discussions with external stakeholders (voters) of age 18-24 years. Data was collected between 1 December 2014 and 6 May 2015. Findings – The findings suggest that the UK Conservative brand had recovered from the "nasty party" reputation. Further, the Conservative brand was perceived as credible, trustworthy and responsible, with positive associations of "economic competence". However, while the nasty party imagery has declined, the UK Conservative brand continues to face challenges particularly in terms of longstanding negative associations perceived by both internal and external markets. Research limitations/implications – It must be acknowledged that all research methods have their own limitations, and acknowledging these will strengthen the ability to draw conclusions. In this study, for example, due to time constraints during the election campaign period, 7 participants supported stage one of the study and 25 participants supported stage two of the study. However, participants from stage one of the study represented all three elements of the UK Conservative Party (Parliamentary, Professional and Voluntary). In addition, the elite interviews were longer in duration and this provided a greater opportunity to capture detailed stories of their life experiences and how this affected their brand relationship. Similarly, participants for stage two focussed on young voters of age 18-24 years, a segment actively targeted by the UK Conservative Party. Practical implications – The brand alignment framework can help practitioners illuminate components of the political brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate. The increasing polarisation in politics has made this a vital area for study, as we see need to understand if, how or why citizens are persuaded by a more polarised brand message. There are also social media issues for the political brand which can distort the carefully constructed brand. There are opportunities to evaluate and operationalize this framework in other political contexts. Originality/value – The brand alignment model extends current branding theory first by building on an understanding of the complexities of creating brand meaning, second, by operationalizing differences Presentation and reception of political brands between the brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate, finally, by identifying if internal divisions within the political party pose a threat to the consistency of the brand.
This article presents a study of young voter engagement in relation to the EU referendum—a democratic vote on the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union. Using the marketing concept of engagement, we examine how young voters engaged cognitively, emotionally, and behaviorally with the referendum and its associated campaigns. A mixed-method study combining multiple-phase questionnaires, longitudinal social network analysis of Twitter, and sentiment analysis provides a rich empirical description of young voter engagement. The findings reveal that young voter engagement is multi-faceted and varies enormously across our sample, particularly for behavioral engagement online. We subsequently question the analytical relevance of the engagement construct for political marketing before developing a typology to classify young voters according to the variance and extent of their specific engagement profile, which we define as " Prototypical Engagement Personae. " We conclude the article by presenting an agenda for future research on young voter engagement.
