Suchergebnisse

"In the world of academic anti-racism, the idea of white privilege has become the dominant paradigm for understanding racial inequality. Its roots can be traced to radical critiques of racial capitalism, however its contemporary employment tends to be class-blind, ignoring the rifts that separate educated, socially mobile elites from struggling working-class communities. How did this come to be? Beyond White Privilege traces the path by which an idea with radical potential got 'hijacked' by a liberal anti-racism that sees individual prejudice as racism's primary manifestation, and white moral transformation as its appropriate remedy. This 'politics of privilege' proves woefully inadequate to the enduring forms of racial and economic injustice shaping the world today. For educated white elites, privilege recognition has become a ritual of purification distinguishing them from their working-class counterparts. For the white working class, whose privileges have eroded, but not disappeared, the politics of privilege often looks like class scapegoating - a process that has helped to drive increasing numbers of alienated whites into the arms of white nationalist movements. This book offers an alternative path: an 'interest convergence' approach that recaptures the radical potential of white privilege discourse by emphasizing converging, cross-racial interests - in education, housing, climate justice, and others - that reveal that the 'racial bribe' of whiteness is ultimately contrary to the interests of working-class whites. It will therefore appeal to readers across the social sciences and humanities with interests in issues of racial inequality and social justice"--

Abstract
Advocates for racial justice who are skeptical of racial integration frequently emphasize the disproportionate burdens that integration places on people of color, pointing, for example, to the fact that integration programs often focus on moving people of color into White communities, schools, and workplaces rather than the reverse. Despite renewed philosophical attention to the issue of racial integration, this concern about "one-way" integration has not been adequately addressed. This is surprising, since processes of gentrification have seen increasing numbers of White people moving into communities of color, reversing the mid-century trend of "White flight." In this paper, I argue that, despite serious injustices associated with gentrification as it has unfolded, the trend holds some promise for a more equitable approach to integration, provided that it can be uncoupled from its role in initiating processes that lead to the displacement and exclusion of long-term residents. Resisting these effects, I argue, requires strong and effective democratic institutions at the city and neighborhood levels. With this in mind, I conclude with a brief review of some policy measures that might reinforce such institutions, focusing on community land trusts as a promising possibility for facilitating equitable racial integration.

In order to understand the present we must first understand the past. The United States may be a country founded on principles of democracy and republicanism, but students in universities across the nation have aligned themselves, historically, with some heterodox philosophies over the years. Whether it was Communism or Socialism in the 1930's, or left libertarianism and direct democracy during the recent Occupy protests, students have long considered whether the policies of the United States government were really working in their best interests. On campus in Depression-era America, Leftist student groups began to rise up and attempted to change the course of American politics. These Leftist groups were strongly rooted in Socialist and Communist alternatives to American capitalism, which they believed had failed the American people. By organizing and recruiting middle class college students, the Leftist groups on campus grew membership rates into the thousands. No greater was their impact felt than at the CCNY campus in New York City. Occupy Wall Street began as a movement of American citizens who felt disaffected by their government after the sweeping bank and automotive industry bailouts of 2008 and 2009. Believing that the United States government had abandoned them in favor of following a too-big-to-fail doctrine, the members of Occupy Wall Street organized in Zucotti Park to protest high unemployment, the failure of American capitalism, excessive government spending on foreign wars, and the continued inaction of the government to improve economic conditions in the United States. The movement was quickly embraced by students who feared that when they graduated college they would be left jobless and saddled with massive student loan debt. The student response to Occupy Wall Street was immense and their demonstration of solidarity impressive, especially in New York. This paper's objective is to explore the connections between radical, left-leaning student activism in 1930's New York and the student activists who have come out in support of Occupy Wall Street. This is important because Occupy Wall Street is a unique movement. Massive sit-in protests in Zucotti park, where people from across the region stood together united by their cause: putting to an end economic inequality and stopping the United States government from continually propagating a pro-corporate agenda while Main Street and the 99% are left footing the bill. It is important for us to understand that, while Occupy Wall Street is a unique movement, it is not the first time people united, firmly, against their country to protest its policies.

Background: improving cancer immunotherapy long-term clinical benefit is a major priority. It has become apparent that multiple axes of immune suppression restrain the capacity of T cells to provide anti-tumour activity including signalling through PD1/PD-L1 and LAG3/MHC-II. Methods: CB213 has been developed as a fully human PD1/LAG3 co-targeting multi-specific Humabody composed of linked VH domains that avidly bind and block PD1 and LAG3 on dual-positive T cells. We present the preclinical primary pharmacology of CB213: biochemistry, cell-based function vs. immune-suppressive targets, induction of T cell proliferation ex vivo using blood obtained from NSCLC patients, and syngeneic mouse model anti-tumour activity. CB213 pharmacokinetics was assessed in cynomolgus macaques. Results: CB213 shows picomolar avidity when simultaneously engaging PD1 and LAG3. Assessing LAG3/MHC-II or PD1/PD-L1 suppression individually, CB213 preferentially counters the LAG3 axis. CB213 showed superior activity vs. αPD1 antibody to induce ex vivo NSCLC patient T cell proliferation and to suppress tumour growth in a syngeneic mouse tumour model, for which both experimental systems possess PD1 and LAG3 suppressive components. Non-human primate PK of CB213 suggests weekly clinical administration. Conclusions: CB213 is poised to enter clinical development and, through intercepting both PD1 and LAG3 resistance mechanisms, may benefit patients with tumours escaping front-line immunological control. ; The Oncoimmunology group is supported by grants from: Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer (AECC, PROYE16001ESCO); Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain (FIS project grant PI17/02119); 'Precipita' Crowdfunding grant (FECYT); Crowdfunding grant from Sociedad Española de Inmunología (SEI); DESCARTHES project grant (Industry department, Government of Navarre); and Gobierno de Navarra Biomedicine Project grant (BMED 050-2019). DE is funded by a Miguel Servet Fellowship (ISC III, CP12/03114, Spain); HA is supported by the Clinico Junior 2019 scholarship from AECC; MZ is supported by a scholarship from Universidad Pública de Navarra; and MG is supported by a scholarship from the Government of Navarre.