North Korea's Objectives and Activities in Cyberspace
In: Asia policy: a peer-reviewed journal devoted to bridging the gap between academic research and policymaking on issues related to the Asia-Pacific, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 76-83
ISSN: 1559-2960
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In: Asia policy: a peer-reviewed journal devoted to bridging the gap between academic research and policymaking on issues related to the Asia-Pacific, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 76-83
ISSN: 1559-2960
In: Georgetown journal of international affairs: GJIA, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 60-76
ISSN: 2471-8831
In: Jane's Intelligence review: the magazine of IHS Jane's Military and Security Assessments Intelligence centre, Band 22, Heft 5, S. 50-53
ISSN: 1350-6226
World Affairs Online
In: Jane's Intelligence review: the magazine of IHS Jane's Military and Security Assessments Intelligence centre, Band 21, Heft 9, S. 8-13
ISSN: 1350-6226
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 61-92
ISSN: 2234-6643
South Korea's economic takeoff in the 1960s triggered a scholarly debate over the causes behind its economic growth. Neoclassical economists and "statist" scholars focused on government policies toward the industrial sector, but as this article shows, they have neglected to consider the political economy behind the government's targeting of the agricultural and livestock sectors for export promotion. In fact, the South Korean government's support of export-led growth—aimed at the rural sector as well as industry—transformed the nation's agricultural and livestock institutions from instruments of development and export promotion into protectionist mechanisms. This article discusses how complete market liberalization would have resulted in more efficient resource allocation and reveals how political considerations affected the institutional arrangement in the South Korean countryside and the subsequent liberalization of agricultural and beef markets.
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 61-92
ISSN: 1598-2408
World Affairs Online
In: Astropolitics: the international journal of space politics & policy, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 207-227
ISSN: 1557-2943
In: The nonproliferation review: program for nonproliferation studies, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 51-65
ISSN: 1746-1766
In: The nonproliferation review: program for nonproliferation studies, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 51-65
ISSN: 1073-6700
World Affairs Online
North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs have drawn international attention for years. In the early 1960s, Pyongyang began to pursue the capability to produce advanced weapons systems, including rockets and missiles. However, foreign assistance and technology, particularly from China and the Soviet Union, were instrumental in the acquisition of these capabilities. The ballistic missile inventory now totals about 800 road-mobile missiles, including about 200 Nodong missiles that could strike Japan. In April 2007, North Korea for the first time displayed two new missiles: a short-range tactical missile that poses a threat to Seoul and U.S. Forces in South Korea, and an intermediate-range missile that could potentially strike Guam. Although North Korea has not demonstrated the ability to produce a nuclear warhead package for its missiles, its missiles are believed to be capable of delivering chemical and possibly biological munitions. North Korean media and government officials claim the country needs a nuclear deterrent to cope with the "hostile policy of the United States," but Pyongyang has never officially abandoned its objective of "completing the revolution in the south." Little is known about North Korean military doctrine and the role of its ballistic missiles, but National Defense Commission Chairman Kim Chong-il has ultimate authority over their disposition. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1652/thumbnail.jpg
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In: Asia policy: a peer-reviewed journal devoted to bridging the gap between academic research and policymaking on issues related to the Asia-Pacific, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 131-139
ISSN: 1559-2960
Asia Policy 's editor, Andrew Marble, discusses political change in North Korea with Stephan Haggard, Krause distinguished professor at the Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California–San Diego, and Daniel Pinkston, senior analyst and deputy project director for North East Asia at the International Crisis Group in Seoul.
In: The Korean journal of defense analysis, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 95-121
ISSN: 1941-4641
In: The Korean journal of defense analysis, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 95-121
ISSN: 1016-3271
In: Survival: global politics and strategy, Band 45, Heft 3, S. 79-102
ISSN: 0039-6338
North Korea's isolation makes it difficult to obtain accurate information and develop the understanding necessary for an effective Korea policy. Policymakers sometimes compensate by using cognitive shortcuts that can lead to misperceptions and misunderstandings. Five main sources of US misunderstanding of North Korea are: linguistic barriers; ideological barriers that distort interpretations of developments; intellectual constructs that conceal important information; lack of imagination and a reluctance to acquire a deeper comprehension of the North Korean mindset; and deliberate misrepresentations for political or policy convenience. The resultant distorted picture of North Korea has produced confusion in Washington and contributed to a number of policy miscues and missed opportunities. (Survival / SWP)
World Affairs Online
In: Survival, Band 45, Heft 3, S. 79-102
ISSN: 1468-2699