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Corporatism put an indelible mark on the first decades of the twentieth century- during the interwar period particularly-both as a set of institutions created by the forced integration of organized interests (mainly independent unions) into the state, and as an organic-statist type of politicaI representation, alternative to liberal democracy.l Variants of corporatism inspired conservative, radicalright, and fascist parties, not to mention the Roman Catholic Church. The so-called "third way" was favored by some sections of the technocratic elites, and even by some on the left of the politicaI spectrum. But it mainly inspired the institutional crafting of dictatorships, from Benito Mussolini's Italy through Primo de Rivera in Spain or the Uriburu dictatorship in Argentina and the New State in Brazil. Some of these dictatorships, such as Mussolini's Italy, made corporatism a universal alternative to economic liberalism, the symbol of a "fascist internationalism." ln fact, variants of corporatist ideology spread to the global world of dictatorships in the 1930s. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The New State established in Brazil by Getúlio Vargas (1937–1945) is the most important case of the institutionalisation of a dictatorship of the fascism era in Latin America. During this time, an impressive spectrum of authoritarian regimes was established, some of which were very instable and poorly institutionalised, while others were more consolidated. Roger Griffin coined the concept of para-fascism for some of them, and the "New State" of Getúlio Vargas in Brazil is a paradigmatic case. In this essay, we analyse the processes of institutional reform in 1930s Brazil paying particular attention to how domestic political actors look at institutional models of fascism and corporatism. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In this chapter I deal with the main transnational agents of diffusion of corporatism in Latin America, giving particular salience to the Catholic Church, and the main intellectuals and intellectual-politicians that introduced and developed corporatist proposals. The concept of intellectual-politician will be used here to define those intellectuals who were participating in the institutional crafting of these regimes as formal or informal members of the decision-making elite (i.e. as advisers, deputies, cabinet members or party leaders). They provided space for interaction among politicians and the transnational intellectual arena, cementing ideological and political relations and models ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The Portuguese military coup of 25 April 1974 was the beginning of the 'third wave' of democratic transitions in Southern Europe. Unshackled by international pro-democratizing forces and occurring in the midst of the Cold War, the coup led to a severe crisis of the state that was aggravated by the simultaneous processes of transition to democracy and de-colonization of what was the last European colonial empire. This article analyses how Portugal's political élite and society struggled with two aspects of the authoritarian legacies of the 'Estado Novo' during the transition: the élite and the institutions associated with the dictatorship. The nature of the Portuguese transition and the consequent state crises created a 'window of opportunity' in which the 'reaction to the past' was much stronger in Portugal than in the other Southern European transitions. In fact, the transition's powerful dynamic in itself served to constitute a legacy for the consolidation of democracy.

The Portuguese military coup of 25 April 1974 was the beginning of the 'third wave' of democratic transitions in Southern Europe. Unshackled by international pro-democratising forces and occurring in the midst of the Cold War, the coup led to a severe crisis of the state that was aggravated by the simultaneous processes of transition to democracy and de-colonisation of what was the last European colonial empire. This article analyses how Portugal's political elite and society struggled with two aspects of the authoritarian legacy during the transition: the elite and the institutions associated with the Dictatorship. The nature of the Portuguese transition and the consequent state crises created a 'window of opportunity' in which the 'reaction to the past' was much stronger in Portugal than in the other Southern European transitions. In fact, the transition's powerful dynamic in itself served to constitute a legacy for the consolidation of democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Michael Mann Fascists (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 429 pp., £17.99 (pb), ISBN 052153856.Robert O. Paxton The Anatomy of Fascism (London: Allen Lane, 2004), 321 pp., £8.99 (pb), ISBN 0141014326.Nancy Bermeo Ordinary People in Extraordinary Times. The Citizenry and the Breakdown of Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press: 2003), 265 pp., £13.95 (pb), ISBN 0691089701.Didier Musiedlack Mussolini (Paris: Presses de Sciences PO, 2005), 436 pp., €16.15, ISBN 2724608062.Paul H. Lewis Latin Fascist Elites. The Mussolini, Franco and Salazar Regimes (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003), 209 pp., $85.95 (hb), ISBN 027597880X.

The nature of the Portuguese transition to democracy & the consequent state crises created a "window of opportunity" in which the "reaction to the past" was much stronger in Portugal than in the other Southern European transitions. The transition's powerful dynamic in itself served to constitute a legacy for the consolidation of democracy. This article analyses how the nature of the transition affected the legacy of authoritarianism superseding & transmuting that regime's impact on the "quality" of Portugal's democracy, & illustrating how the majority of "authoritarian legacies" were more a result of the nature of the transition than they were of the authoritarian regime. Tables. Adapted from the source document.