Suchergebnisse

À partir d'une étude de cas sur la coopération policière, cet article met en lumière la complexité des trajectoires post-Brexit des politiques publiques britanniques et ce faisant contribue au renouvellement en cours de l'agenda de recherche sur l'européanisation. Alors que les discours politiques et les arguments de campagne mobilisés en faveur du départ britannique laissaient supposer un éloignement clair de l'Union européenne voire un démantèlement de l'action publique préalablement européanisée, cette contribution permet de saisir les (non-)changements induits par le Brexit dans certains secteurs d'action publique. En nous fondant sur une série d'entretiens et une analyse documentaire, nous démontrons que cet événement sans précédent ne serait pas nécessairement synonyme de discontinuité ou de changement, ce que les concepts de déseuropéanisation et de désengagement visent à saisir. Nous explorons dans cette contribution le poids joué par les dynamiques préexistantes d'européanisation (non seulement leur degré, mais également leurs modalités, leur nature multidirectionnelle en particulier) dans le maintien d'ajustements mutuels entre l'Union européenne et le Royaume-Uni.

With European Union agencies becoming increasingly significant actors in European governance, further research is needed to understand how they interact with their environment. Applying the 'reputation' literature to Europol, this article examines in greater detail how agencies behave with their 'informal' audiences in comparison with the formal ones. It demonstrates that agencies are deeply invested in the shaping of their reputation, including towards their informal audiences especially if the latter represent 'reputational threats.' Based on a quantitative analysis of activity reports and on a qualitative study of the face-to-face engagements of Europol with the European Parliament over time, this research sheds light on the complementary communicative strategies agencies can use to (re)present themselves depending on the dimension of their reputation at stake.

With European Union agencies becoming increasingly significant actors in European governance, further research is needed to understand how they interact with their environment. Applying the 'reputation' literature to Europol, this article examines in greater detail how agencies behave with their 'informal' audiences in comparison with the formal ones. It demonstrates that agencies are deeply invested in the shaping of their reputation, including towards their informal audiences especially if the latter represent 'reputational threats.' Based on a quantitative analysis of activity reports and on a qualitative study of the face-to-face engagements of Europol with the European Parliament over time, this research sheds light on the complementary communicative strategies agencies can use to (re)present themselves depending on the dimension of their reputation at stake.

Créé par une convention en 1995, Europol a connu en une vingtaine d'années des mutations organisationnelles et opérationnelles majeures, sans pour autant pouvoir être pensé comme une police européenne supranationale. Dès lors, la gouvernance sui generis de cette agence européenne, accordant une place centrale aux gouvernements nationaux, et la limitation de ses pouvoirs semblent a priori se conformer à l'idée d'un paradoxe de l'intégration, mis en lumière par les travaux du new intergovernmentalism . En étudiant les évolutions d'Europol par le biais des approches de sociologie de l'action publique, cet article propose de nuancer, voire de remettre en cause certains des postulats néo-intergouvernementalistes. Pour ce faire, cet article souligne la pluralité des acteurs, de leurs représentations et de leurs interactions dans le processus décisionnel européen, sous-estimée par ces travaux visant à théoriser l'intégration européenne.

The European Police Office has been the object of impressive developments since its creation in 1995, with notably some supranational trends like its transformation into a European agency in 2010. This dynamic raises questions on the influence of Europol itself in this process which tends to favour its expansion and confer it broader resources. This leads therefore to the question to what degree Europol displays supranational activism. To this end, this article uses some principal-agent considerations while considering that Europol has two specific features which could potentially contribute to the specific institutional trajectory of the Office: multiple principals and an agenda-setting function. Consequently, Europol's principals' heterogeneous preferences and its capability of defining problems, notably through its Directors, have enabled Europol to act as a policy entrepreneur to project its preferences and its representations for to strengthen itself. However, Europol can be conceived as a supranationalist opportunist as it punctually aspires for supranationalisation, taking care not to antagonize the Member States which remain its main contributors.

La recherche sur l'européanisation s'est longtemps révélée optimiste quant aux effets transformateurs de l'Union européenne sur les politiques publiques. Toutefois, l'érosion de l'attractivité du projet européen a mené au développement d'un agenda de recherche autour de la déseuropéanisation. Si ces travaux soulèvent des interrogations nouvelles, ils prêtent encore peu d'attention aux obstacles à la déseuropéanisation et n'interrogent que rarement les différents types de (non-)changement de l'action publique qui pourraient découler des appels à la déseuropéanisation émis par une partie des acteurs politiques et l'opinion publique. Cet article élabore un cadre d'analyse bidimensionnel pour fournir à la recherche dédiée à l'influence de l'Europe sur les politiques publiques des outils plus précis et nuancés dépassant le débat binaire européanisation v . déseuropéanisation. Pour illustrer nos propos, nous mobilisons le cas de l'action publique post-Brexit. Nous montrons que si cet événement pouvait a priori donner lieu à des processus majeurs de déseuropéanisation, les sentiers empruntés par l'action publique ont été divers en fonction des processus préexistants d'européanisation.

AbstractWhat is the impact of the UK's withdrawal from the EU on British policies, polity and politics and their future trajectories? This question has been overlooked so far, as many observers have focused on the identity, cultural, and political reasons behind the Brexit vote or scrutinized closely the process of withdrawal. The de-Europeanization literature has tried to capture the new dynamics behind the impact of Brexit on the domestic scene by understanding it as a will to dismantle policies and politics previously Europeanized. On the contrary, we argue here that Brexit is not necessarily the end of UK's engagement with the EU. This editorial and this special issue provide a more nuanced explanation and support the idea that Brexit is not putting an end to the EU's influence over British public policies. In fact, we identify several pathways to the EU–UK relationship which can be conceptualized along a continuum from de-Europeanization to re-engagement scenarios. Building on the literature that has suggested the trajectories of disengagement and de-Europeanization, this editorial more specifically contributes to the debate by coining the concept of continued engagement and re-engagement and highlighting the need to analyse British politics, policies, and polity in relation to the EU through a variety of pathways.

AbstractContrary to the idea that 'Brexit means Brexit', the article demonstrates that, in spite of leaving the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the UK is not automatically seeking to distance itself from the EU's activities and approaches to these policy fields. Using the concepts of disengagement, continued engagement and re-engagement and drawing from historical institutionalism, the article further clarifies that present and future trajectories of UK positions in respect of the EU action are conditioned by a path dependence created by the evolution of UK opt-ins and opt-outs in this field, by the politicisation of the Brexit negotiations in the context of the UK–EU relations and by domestic UK politics. We explore this argument across three policy areas: (1) police and judicial cooperation, (2) immigration, borders and asylum, and (3) cybersecurity.

Contrary to the idea that "Brexit means Brexit", the article demonstrates that, in spite of leaving the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the United Kingdom (UK) is not automatically seeking to distance itself from the EU's activities and approaches to these policy fields. Using the concepts of disengagement, continued engagement and re-engagement and drawing from historical institutionalism, the article further clarifies that present and future trajectories of UK positions in respect with the EU action are conditioned by a path dependence created by the evolution of UK opt-ins and opt-outs in this field, by the politicization of the Brexit negotiations in the context of the UK-EU relations, and by domestic UK politics. We explore this argument across three policy areas: 1) police and judicial cooperation, 2) immigration, borders and asylum and 3) cybersecurity.