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AbstractIn this article, I trace the elective affinity between planetary suburbanization and emergent forms of radical religiosity. I show how the centuries‐long spatial hegemony of the Catholic Church in Poland has recently been undermined by the 'fundamentalist' broadcaster Radio Maryja—the bellwether of the Polish right‐wing nationalist resurgence. I describe the twentieth‐century suburbanization of both the state and Catholicism in Poland, supported by an analysis of a village‐cum‐suburb in one of Poland's largest agglomerations. I show how the latest wave of suburbanization, triggered by Poland's opening up to global flows of capital in 2004, ran parallel to the emergence of a 'post‐secular', 'individual' and 'intellectual' strain of faith. I tie these in with the life stories and changes in gender and labour regimes of two key informants. I also show that the surge of right‐wing nationalism should not be understood as a backlash against neoliberalization, but that it represents instead a project of regime change and new elite formation.

Niniejszy artykuł stanowi odpowiedź na tekst "Kapitalizm. Historia krótkiego trwania – dziewiętnaście Long Reads o »tysiącu lat niewolnictwa«" autorstwa Jana Sowy. Ustosunkowuję się w nim do argumentów i zarzutów sformułowanych przez Sowę, a także przedstawiam własną opinię na temat roli społecznej publikacji naukowych oraz ich funkcjonowania w dyskursie akademickim. Główne kwestie poruszane w tekście to mój stosunek do teorii Karla Polanyi'ego (w szczególności do jego teorii trzech towarów fikcyjnych stanowiących podstawę kapitalizmu), wykładnia teoretycznego znaczenia sporu o pojęcie przestrzeni w analizie kapitalizmu oraz zagadnienie de-okcydentalizacji teorii.

Gentrification, property and political capitalism in Poland My point of departure in this piece is the putative "under‑urbanization" of East and Central European cities, still very much entrenched in the global urban studies literature. I explain this by harking back to the classic of Polish urban studies (such as Paweł Rybicki and Marcin Czerwiński) and their concept of umiastowienie, as opposed to urbanization. They employed it in order to explain the "urbanization without cities" that unfolded in the socialist Poland. I then turn towards an analysis of the idiosyncracies of the "territorial logic of power" (Giovanni Arrighi and David Harvey's term) in Poland. I agrue that its stems from the way "scale" and "property" work in Polish cities. Drawing my examples form the city of Poznań, I describe what Katherine Verdery dubbed as "fuzzy" property regime and explain how this results in the absence of the "gentrification frontier" – a concept coined by Neil Smith. Instaed, I argue that gentrification is more scattered and we can speak of a shifting "gentrificaiton front", wherein the speculative and largelly local capital initiates the gentrification cycle from the "weakest link" in the chain of property structure.

This paper argues that one of the greatest challenges mounted to urban theory is accounting for the simultaneous unfolding in the Global South of "planetary urbanization" and world's greatest industrial revolution. In order to showthat industrial cities are still pertinent to urban theory, I revisit Victorian Manchester and Fredrick Engels' classic account of it. I argue that Engels was a pioneer of what I dub "anthropology of the impersonal" and his "discovery" of classbecame the cornerstone for Marxist thought. Yet, his innovation has remained under-appreciated, and the astonishingcareer of the "dual city" concept is a good case in point.I argue that its popular embrace stems from the way it brings "uneven development", "class" and the "city" in a gripping metaphor. Although Engels showed how these concepts were intertwined, he kept them theoretically separate. He did so because he used them not only for describing how capitalism worked, but also as tools for triggering a political change. ; Prezentowany artykuł dowodzi, że jednym z największych wyzwań stojącychprzed teorią miejską jest wyjaśnienie jednoczesnego rozwoju "planetarnejurbanizacji" w Globalnym Południu oraz największej w historii świata rewolucjiprzemysłowej. Aby dowieść, że miasta przemysłowe są wciąż istotne dla teorii miejskiej,wracam do czasów wiktoriańskiego Manchesteru i klasycznej relacji Engelsana jego temat. Twierdzę, że Engels był pionierem tego, co określam mianem"antropologii bezosobowego", a poczynione przez niego "odkrycie" klasy stało siękamieniem węgielnym teorii marksistowskiej. Teoretyczna innowacja Engelsa niezostała jednak wystarczająco doceniona, a dobrym tego przykładem jest zaskakującakariera ideii "miasta dualnego". Twierdzę, że popularność tego pojęcia wynika ztego w jaki sposób umożliwia ono zlepienie "nierównomiernego rozwoju", "klasy"oraz "miasta" w chwytliwą metaforę. Pomimo tego, że Engels pokazał sposób, w jaki te pojęcia są ze sobą splatają, to na poziomie teoretycznym zakreślił wyraźne granice między nimi. Uczynił tak, ponieważ służyły mu one nie tylko do opisu tego jak działa kapitalizm, lecz również miały stać się potencjalnymi narzędziami do przeprowadzania politycznej zmiany.

This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is ar- gued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Alek- sander Kwas ́niewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance al- lowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarnos ́c ́ elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The arti- cle (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demon- strates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.