Suchergebnisse

El Atlas de Oportunidades, impulsado por las fundaciones Felipe González y Cotec, ha sido recientemente presentado por sus autores como una herramienta única para estudiar la movilidad social en España. En este trabajo sostengo que el Atlas es, en realidad, una mala herramienta para el estudio de la movilidad social, tanto por razones conceptuales como, sobre todo, por razones metodológicas. El Atlas es una herramienta conceptualmente limitada porque reduce la movilidad social a la movilidad de ingresos y esto oscurece nuestra compresión de los factores y procesos implicados en el logro socio-económico y la transmisión de la (des)ventaja social. El Atlas es, además, una mala base de datos para estudiar la movilidad intergeneracional de ingresos porque, a pesar de su gigantesco tamaño, introduce sesgos muy serios, que conducen inevitablemente a una abultada sobrestimación de la movilidad de ingresos realmente existente en España.

"Research on attitudes towards immigration has overemphasized the subjective dimension of threat, while the objective bases of native-immigrant competition remained largely under-studied. I investigate the impact of both occupational and environmental sources of economic competition on attitudes towards immigration in Europe. Drawing on social stratification and labour economics theory, I discuss three dimensions of the occupation affecting exposure to competition: (i) skill specialization; (ii) monitoring costs; and (iii) the mix of manual versus communicational skills. Environmental correlates are tested by estimating the net change in anti-immigrant sentiments experienced during the first dip of the Great Recession, and by connecting this change to (i) country differences in the intensity of GDP contraction and (ii) prior growth in foreign-born shares. Applying two-step multi-level regression to a pool of the 2004 and the 2010 rounds of the European Social Survey, I find evidence consistent with both occupational and environmental sources of competitive threat." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))

"Research on attitudes towards immigration has overemphasized the subjective dimension of threat, while the objective bases of native-immigrant competition remained largely under-studied. I investigate the impact of both occupational and environmental sources of economic competition on attitudes towards immigration in Europe. Drawing on social stratification and labour economics theory, I discuss three dimensions of the occupation affecting exposure to competition: (i) skill specialization; (ii) monitoring costs; and (iii) the mix of manual versus communicational skills. Environmental correlates are tested by estimating the net change in anti-immigrant sentiments experienced during the first dip of the Great Recession, and by connecting this change to (i) country differences in the intensity of GDP contraction and (ii) prior growth in foreign-born shares. Applying two-step multi-level regression to a pool of the 2004 and the 2010 rounds of the European Social Survey, I find evidence consistent with both occupational and environmental sources of competitive threat." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku).

We know that culture influences people's behavior. Yet estimating the exact extent of this influence poses a formidable methodological challenge for the social sciences. This is because preferences and beliefs are endogenous, that is, they are shaped by individuals' own experiences and affected by the same macro-structural conditions that constrain their actions. This study introduces a new method to overcome endogeneity problems in the estimation of cultural effects by using migrant populations. This innovative method uses imputed traits, generated from non-migrating equivalents observed at the country of origin, as instruments for immigrants' own cultural traits measured at the country of destination. By construction, imputed traits are exogenous to immigrants' host social environment. The predicted power of imputed traits over observed traits in instrumental-variable estimation captures the non-idiosyncratic component of preferences and beliefs that migrants and non-migrating equivalents share as members of the same national-origin group, that is, their culture. I use this innovative method to estimate the net exogenous impact of traditional values on female labor-force participation in Europe. I find that this impact is much larger than standard regression methods would suggest.

Este artículo analiza los efectos de la precariedad laboral asociada al segmento flexibledel mercado de trabajo español sobre la intención de voto al final de la última legislaturasocialista. Para ello, se defiende un modelo de votante que interpreta sus experienciaseconómicas a través de prismas ideológicos y que, por tanto, no responde electoralmentea sus condiciones económicas al margen de dichos prismas. Este modelo de votante, queplantea la existencia de interacción entre los condicionantes económicos y los condicionantesideológicos del voto, se discute en contraposición a los modelos de votante económicoaditivos, que asumen que los condicionantes económicos tienen un impacto sobreel voto directo e independiente de la ideología de los electores. Ambos modelos se contrastanempíricamente a través de la explotación estadística de la encuesta de CulturaPolítica, realizada por el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas en abril de 1995 a unamuestra de casi 4.000 entrevistados. El análisis de estos datos da sustento empírico almodelo interacción y sugiere que la precariedad laboral pudo favorecer la aparición dedos tipos de castigo: (1) castigo al PSOE, entonces en el gobierno, tanto por la izquierda(votando a IU), como por la derecha (votando al PP), entre electores ideológicamentecercanos a este partido; y (2) castigo a todos los partidos, vía abstención crítica, entreelectores ideológicamente extremistas.

The paper takes issue with demand-based interpretations of the consequences of deregulation through temporary employment in Spain. According to demand-based accounts, the introduction of temporary contracts has helped to generate & maintain a secondary segment in the Spanish labor market, in which specific product market conditions generate a need for highly flexible contracts to perform low-skilled tasks. In contrast to this view, the paper argues that partial deregulation has also had important segmenting consequences amongst Spanish professionals, despite the high levels of asset specificity & monitoring costs involved in their job tasks. Drawing on the analysis of the Spanish Labor Force Survey for the period 1987-1997, the paper presents empirical evidence that shows how, when introduced in a context of high unemployment & high dismissal costs for the permanent workforce, temporary contracts can generate a process of polarization of employment chances within both manual & professional occupations. The segmenting consequences of partial deregulation have, therefore, been more severe, pervasive & pernicious than it is acknowledged by demand-based accounts. 1 Table, 6 Figures, 60 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyses the possible electoral consequences of being an outsider in the Spanish labor market. A theoretical model based on the premise that economic experiences are always filtered by, & interpreted through, ideological maps is defended against additive models, which assume that economic experiences have a direct electoral impact irrespectively of voters' ideological allegiances. Both models are tested empirically by analyzing voting intention in the 1996 general election as reported in a survey undertaken in 1995 by the Spanish Centre for Sociological Research of a representative sample of 4,000 adults. Empirical analysis provides evidence in favor of the interaction model & suggests that labor precarity in the flexible segment of the Spanish labor market could have induced two types of electoral punishment: 1) punishment of the incumbent Socialist party amongst left-wing voters either through voting for the United Left (IU) or for the Popular Party (PP); & 2) punishment of all parties amongst radicalized respondents through electoral abstention. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThis study examines employment access, class attainment, and earnings among native‐born and first‐generation immigrants in Denmark using Danish administrative data from 2002. Results suggest large gaps in employment access between native‐born Danes and immigrants, as well as among immigrant groups by country of origin and time of arrival. Non‐Western immigrants and those arriving after 1984 are at a particular disadvantage compared to other immigrants, a finding not explained by education differences. Immigrants are more likely to be employed in unskilled manual jobs and less likely to be employed in professional and intermediate‐level positions than native‐born Danes, although the likelihood of obtaining higher‐level positions increases as immigrants' time in Denmark lengthens. Class attainment and accumulated work experience explain a significant portion of native‐immigrant gaps in earnings, but work experience reduces native‐immigrant gaps in class attainment for lower‐level positions only. The Danish "flexicurity" model and its implications for immigrants living in Denmark are discussed.