Suchergebnisse

This study asks under what domestic conditions environmental groups in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany will overcome the collective action, resource, and ideological impediments to cooperative activity. A political opportunity structure (POS) approach is employed which looks at the relationship between elite alliances and domestic cleavages and the choice to engage in domestic as well as transnational cooperation. Using data gathered through content analysis over a nearly twenty-five year period, I find that changes in domestic opportunities influence the choice of environmental groups to engage in cooperative activities. An open POS is found to depress both domestic and transnational cooperation, while a closed POS increases cooperative activities.

This study asks under what domestic conditions environmental groups in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany will overcome the collective action, resource, and ideological impediments to cooperative activity. A political opportunity structure (POS) approach is employed which looks at the relationship between elite alliances and domestic cleavages and the choice to engage in domestic as well as transnational cooperation. Using data gathered through content analysis over a nearly twenty-five year period, I find that changes in domestic opportunities influence the choice of environmental groups to engage in cooperative activities. An open POS is found to depress both domestic and transnational cooperation, while a closed POS increases cooperative activities. Adapted from the source document.

Are consensus democracies more likely to enact environmentally friendly policies than majoritarian democracies? The relationship between democratic type and environmental effectiveness is more complex than previously assumed. What matters are not only institutions but also the nature of the policy issues, the types of institutions and veto players in the system. Four measures of effectiveness emerged from the data: mundane environmentalism; environmental taxation; conservation; and nuclear energy production. Environmental effectiveness in democratic systems differs depending upon which measure of effectiveness is examined and whether or not one looks at representational or organisational aspects of democracy. (Environmental Politics / FUB)

This study examines when and why environmental non-governmental organizations in the United Kingdom, France and Germany bypass national-level activity in favor of supranational action. Data are gathered from a content analysis of news wires and analyzed in a series of logistic equations. Evidence supports the multi-level governance theory of European Union integration. Examining political opportunity structure explanations for activity, I find that changes in domestic elite alliances and electoral cleavages help to explain why groups choose to target activity at the supranational level. When the domestic opportunity structure is closed, supranational activity becomes more likely. The opening of the domestic political opportunity structure decreases supranational activity among groups.

"How Gender Intersects With Political Violence and Terrorism" published on by Oxford University Press.

BRIEF CONTENTS Chapter 1. American politics from a comparative perspective -- Chapter 2. Similarities between the United States and other democracies -- Chapter 3. American exceptionalism -- Chapter 4. Political beliefs: Political culture and ideology -- Chapter 5. Civil liberties and civil rights -- Chapter 6. Constitutional arrangements -- Chapter 7. Governing institutions -- Chapter 8. Interest groups -- Chapter 9. Political parties -- Chapter 10. Elections and electoral institutions -- Chapter 11. Electoral behavior -- Chapter 12. Conclusion

This book explores how gender intersects with political violence, and particularly terrorism.¡ We ask how gender relations and understandings of femininity and masculinity influence political violence, which includes politics related to terrorism, state terrorism, and genocide. We investigate how women cope with and influence the politics of terrorism and genocide. The book's goals are descriptive and analytical.¡ We (1) describe in what ways women are present (and/or perceived as absent) in political contexts involving violence, and (2) analyze what gender assumptions, identities, and frames women face and themselves express and act upon regarding political violence encountered in their lives.¡ The manuscript is divided into seven chapters: introduction, women as victims/survivors of violence, women as perpetrators of violence, women in social movements responding to violence, women politicians leading policy regarding violence, the public opinion of women and men concerning violence, and a conclusion.¡ Each chapter explores the intersection between gender and terrorism through the lens of the chapter focus.