It is a widely held view that, since the end of the Cold War, attention has focused on Islam as a central force of disruption within a New World Order. Nothing has heightened this more than the assault on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, and the reporting of these events. Reporting Islam is a timely contribution to this debate which looks at the ways in which Muslims are represented in the British news media. Elizabeth Poole examines the claim that Muslims are universally demonized in the British press and comes to some illuminating conclusions. Reporting Islam is of great value to student
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This urgently relevant book examines both the role and representations of Muslims in the news media, particularly within a climate of threat, fear and misunderstanding. Written by both leading academic authorities and by Muslim media practitioners, "Muslims and the Media" is designed as a comprehensive and critical textbook and is set in both the British and international contexts. The book clearly establishes the links between context, content, production and audiences thus reflecting the entire cycle of the communication process and revealing the ways in which meaning is produced a
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It is widely agreed that the events which took place on 11 September 2001 have played a large part in reshaping global imaginings about contemporary acts of terrorism and their Islamic perpetrators. Given this transformation in the understanding of terrorism and terrorists, our objective in this article is threefold. First we want to present a discussion of the roots of the kind of neo-liberal politics that has grown up alongside acts of terrorism and its global media coverage which has, we argue, resulted in a politics of fear that acts to legitimate ever-increasing legislative controls. In an attempt to reveal how discourse works to support such regulation, in the second part of this article we offer a qualitative analysis of newspaper articles from the UK about acts of terrorism that have taken place since the suicide bombings on the London transport system on 7 July 2005. Together with an analysis of the political speeches of Bush and Blair, we examine how far these discourses can be said to have reframed notions of inclusion/exclusion for Muslim populations. Finally we present a discussion of the consequences of such terrorist acts and their varied representations for the future of the British multicultural imaginary.
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 23, Heft 6, S. 1415-1442
This article sets out findings from a project focused on #stopIslam, a hashtag that gained prominence following the Brussels terror attack of 2016. We initially outline a big data analysis which shows how counter-narratives – criticizing #stopIslam – momentarily subverted negative news reporting of Muslims. The rest of the article details qualitative findings that complicate this initial positive picture. We set out key tactics engaged in by right-wing actors, self-identified Muslim users, would-be allies and celebrities and elucidate how these tactics were instrumental in the direction, dynamics and legacies of the hashtag. We argue that the tactical interventions of tightly bound networks of right-wing actors, as well as the structural constraints of the platform, not only undermined the longevity and coherence of the counter-narratives but subtly modulated the affordances of Twitter in ways that enabled these users to extend their voice outwards, reinforcing long-standing representational inequalities in the process.
This article intervenes in debates about whether public-facing social media enable the rapid spread of hate speech, or whether these platforms can offer valuable opportunities to contest it. Advancing scholarship on 'networked counter-publics' and research emphasising the affective dimensions of digital media, we identify three different modes of counter-public contestation that coalesced on Twitter in the immediate aftermath of the Christchurch terrorist attack. Using a combined keyword and hashtag search, our research project sampled 3,099,138 tweets posted on/about the Christchurch attack and its repercussions, between 15 March 2019 and 15 April 2019. First, we examine two hashtags that trended, approaching these as nodal points for the construction of different affective responses to the terrorist attack. Second, we analyse instances where users quote-tweeted the condolences of politicians, rejecting their sentiments, arguing that the sincerity conditions of the Speech Act (condolence) were not met. Here, we focus on the ways that people invoke a discourse of indignation at either the past actions or current character of the politician, to justify rejecting their statements. Our findings illustrate a need to depart from broad narratives about how the affordances of particular social media platforms lend themselves to the circulation or contestation of hate. Instead, we argue, it is important to develop more situated empirical and conceptual approaches to interrogate how specific relationships between affective publics and structures of feeling enable or constrain political possibilities.
The Enhancing Livelihoods through Livestock Knowledge Systems (ELKS) addresses the knowledge gaps of partners by strengthening their capacity to apply technical, social and institutional research knowledge. To facilitate the capacity strengthening, an initial assessment of the Knowledge, Attitude and Practice (KAP) of livestock aspects was conducted in 2011 for Sir Ratan Tata Trust and its non-government and government partners in Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Nagaland. The livestock species included cattle, buffalo and goats in Uttarakhand, goat and pig in Jharkhand and pig in Nagaland. In the partners self-assessment of capacities of the partners half the number of partners were trained on livestock production aspects over the past three years but even then, this capacity was less commensurate with the capacity that the partners built of farmers. Partners were more knowledgeable about large ruminant production and management activities than the same aspects for other animals. The respondents were trained on cattle, buffalo and pig value chain activities but none were trained on goat value chains. In an assessment of service provision, respondents reported that access to services and technological packages by smallholder producers was a constraining factor. They agreed that better services could be provided through improved partner coordination of services to farmers. The use of cross bred animals was limited to cattle and pigs, because cross breeds were reportedly associated with higher maintenance costs, lower disease resistance, and poor success of artificial insemination (AI) services. Controlled mating was promoted for all species but AI was promoted for cattle and buffaloes. Mating options for cattle were limited to the use of local bulls. Based on the partners' capacity reports, we identified the potential to engage the partners in policy dialogue processes, market research for products and enhancement of value chain activities, particularly for pigs, goats and buffaloes. Strengthening the value chain activities needs to begin with the value chain analysis (VCA) of the different species in the Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Nagaland. ; Sir Ratan Tata Trust
International audience ; The world is currently witnessing a revitalisation of the right and of authoritarian political tendencies. Right-wing forces across the globe have been able to push misogynist, homophobic and xenophobic discourses into the mainstream of politics and media. Whilst these developments have been fuelled by the neoliberal economic programmes unrolled since the 1970s, sexism and racism have always been anchored within the structures of real existing capitalism. This suggests, then, that many of the societal issues we are encountering today are rooted in structural disadvantage and oppression pertaining not only to economics and class but also to gender, race and ethnicity. Yet, approaches in Communication Studies and Cultural Studies have often engaged in separate interrogations of media misrepresentations in relation to either class and economics, or gender and/or race. On the other hand, intersectional scholarship has long highlighted how these societal spheres are interconnected and should thus be researched simultaneously. The Herman-Chomsky Propaganda Model constitutes the leading analytical tool to theorize and investigate media bias. The following contributions will conceptualize and illustrate how the PM relates to intersectional scholarship and societal structures. This will be done on the basis of theoretical elaborations and empirical case studies as well as broader discussions of the politics within the disciplines of Communications Studies and Cultural Studies. It will be demonstrated that the PM can be used to unveil interlocking media biases and misrepresentations deriving from parallel societal discriminations including classism, sexism and racism.