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This paper presents the results of an empirical analysis on the issue of wage differentials occurring within education levels. The main purpose of the research is to investigate the extent to which job profiles, classified as routine and non-routine tasks can explain wage differentials within educational levels in Germany. Systematization of the literary sources and approaches for solving the problem of wage differentials indicates that in line with technological advancement witnessed over the past decades, earnings are largely determined by the nature of tasks carried out within the workplace. The relevance of this scientific problem decision is that educational systems have to keep up with advancing digitization and the rapidly changing labour market requirements. Investigation of the impact job profiles have on earnings, in the paper is carried out in the following logical sequence: firstly, a brief overview on previous research in the field is given, followed by an outline of the dataset analysed, proposed hypotheses, applied methodology and results concluding with a discussion. Methodological tools of the research methods were descriptive statistics along with OLS regression techniques. Based on German cross-sectional employee survey data from 2018 two hypotheses are tested by classifying 23 selected work activities into routine and non-routine tasks linked to the highest education level attained. In accordance with the German education system four educational levels are specified: no occupational degree, in-company or school-based vocational training, advanced vocational training degree and university degree. The results indicate that non-routine activities are on average remunerated at a higher rate compared to routine activities and non-routine analytical work is paid at a higher rate than non-routine craftmanship. Additionally, higher wages for computer assisted work activities is found. The OLS regression model results confirm both hypotheses implying increasing returns to educational attainments resulting in larger hourly pay and higher pay for those performing non-routine tasks. Pursuant to the traditional Mincer human capital approach on returns to schooling the research empirically confirms higher wages for employees completing advanced vocational training and those holding a university degree. The results of the research can be useful for policymakers in the education sector, fostering and improving analytical, data literacy and organizational skills.

AbstractDo judges respond to institutional and strategic incentives or do they strictly follow dominant professional role conceptions? This article weighs in by exploring whether an ideational shift toward judicial empowerment and independence can germinate from institutional reforms. Ukraine's 2014 Euromaidan revolution and the comprehensive judicial reform adopted in its wake provide a test of the competing theoretical accounts. A judicial lustration law sacked all incumbent court chairs, who had been appointed by the executive, and gave Ukrainian judges the right to elect new chairs via secret ballot. I analyze this radical step toward judicial self‐government using an original data set with individual‐ and court‐level data. The key finding is that less than a fifth of Ukrainian judges embraced their newly granted agency and elected a new chair for their court, whereas the overwhelming majority followed dominant professional norms of deference and reelected the sacked court chairs. This finding holds for all rungs of the judicial hierarchy and for all regions of Ukraine. Even protégés of ousted president Yanukovych won the secret ballot vote by their peers more often than they lost it. Beyond Ukraine, these results suggest that empowering individual judges in the highly hierarchical structure of a civil law judiciary is unlikely to lead to a judicial behavior shift, at least in the short run.

Justin Crowe has written an accessible, thorough, and compelling history of the institutional development of the US Supreme Court and the federal judiciary it sits atop, from their inconspicuous inception in February 1790 to their current status as, perhaps, the most powerful judiciary in the world.

I want to thank Justin Crowe for his thorough and generous review of my book. I wish our paths had crossed when I was still at the revision stage of the manuscript. I could have used his fresh perspective to strengthen the book's message to a wider audience.