Suchergebnisse

A symposium discussion of the following book by Pierre Rosanvallon; "Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distruct".

The "return" of poor people movements encourages reflection on the impact of changes in the social structure, the availability of organizational resources, and political and discursive opportunities for collective action. Based on a quantitative and qualitative claim analysis in six European countries, this article maps unemployment-related protest actions in three areas: (a) long-term unemployment; (b) massive dismissals; and (c) unemployment and labor policies within more general cycles of protest. The article discusses the actors, the forms and claims of the protests, and the social and political opportunities for their development. Protests on unemployment tend to assume some similar forms, each oriented to stress the"absolute injustice" of the position of the unemployed. The framing of the issues of both labor changes and the evolution of the labor market restates the importance of social dynamics for political protest. Unions as well as other social movements and political actors play an important role in the protest against unemployment. Adapted from the source document.

The debate on deliberative democracy could open a fruitful perspective for research on social movement conceptions & practices of democracy. This article reports a pilot study of the values & norms that guide the global justice movement's organizational choices based upon focus groups & in-depth interviews with participants in various Italian social forums. Deliberative democracy, which emphasizes participation & the quality of communication, is particularly relevant for a multifaceted, heterogeneous movement that incorporates many social, generational, & ideological groups as well as movement organizations from different countries. The global justice movement-a "movement of movements" according to some activists-comprises a dense network of movement organizations, often the product of previous protest cycles. It builds upon past experiences of organizational institutionalization, but also upon reflexive criticisms of it. These networks of networks provide important resources, but also pose challenges for participation & internal communication. The activists in our study addressed these challenges by building an organizational culture that stressed diversity rather than homogeneity, subjectivity, rather than obedience to organizational demands; transparency, even at the cost of effectiveness, open confrontations oriented to consensus building over efficient decision making; & "ideological contamination" rather than dogmatism. Traditional participatory models of democracy are bridged with concerns for good communication & deliberation. 62 References. Adapted from the source document.

The European Social Forum hosted by Florence, Italy, in Nov 2002, was expected by many to balloon into a giant violent political protest. It did not. There was not a single act of violence, & participation was way beyond expectations, with 60,000 participants, representing 426 associations in 105 countries, taking part in the 30 plenary sessions, 160 seminars, 180 workshops, & 75 cultural events. The protests that did take place were seen as a moment of consolidation of a social movement. The ESF formally declared "We want a World of differences, freedom, & reciprocal respect." This chapter focuses on how this "movement of movements" mobilizes, constructs its own resources & opportunities, exploits a vast but heterogeneous social capital but has an individualistic Zeitgeist that discourages traditional militantism, develops tolerant identities, & frames differences as an enriching characteristic of the movement. This reconstruction of the movement's identity & politics is based on survey of ESF activists, 6 focus groups, & semi-structured interviews with representative country samples, totaling 2,384 participants. The findings lead to the conclusion that from this movement for global justice there emerges a conception of democracy as a search for a common good, starting from a pluralist confrontation among equals. Tables. J. Stanton

The aim of this chapter is to discuss the problems & peculiarities of comparative politics as a method for the analysis of social movements. After a discussion of what comparative politics is, I present the principle methodological strategies & describe the underlying logic of the comparative method. Important issues include the formation of concepts, the number of cases, the use of time, & the choice of similar or different contexts. I conclude with a discussion of different perspectives in the field. Throughout, research on social movements will be the center of attention, providing illustrations of the main problems (& solutions) in the field. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this chapter is to discuss the problems & peculiarities of comparative politics as a method for the analysis of social movements. After a discussion of what comparative politics is, I present the principle methodological strategies & describe the underlying logic of the comparative method. Important issues include the formation of concepts, the number of cases, the use of time, & the choice of similar or different contexts. I conclude with a discussion of different perspectives in the field. Throughout, research on social movements will be the center of attention, providing illustrations of the main problems (& solutions) in the field. Adapted from the source document.

The study of radicalization and de-radicalization, understood as processes leading towards the increased or decreased use of political violence, is central to the question of how political violence emerges, how it can be prevented, and how it can be contained. The focus section of this issue of the International Journal of Conflict and Violence addresses radicalization and de-radicalization, seeking to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the processes, dynamics, and mechanisms involved and taking an interdisciplinary approach to overcome the fragmentation into separate disciplines and focus areas. Contributions by Penelope Larzilliere, Felix Heiduk, Bill Kissane, Hank Johnston, Christian Davenport and Cyanne Loyle, Veronique Dudouet, and Lasse Lindekilde address repressive settings, legitimacy, institutional aspects, organizational outcomes, and dynamics in Europe, Asia, Africa, and North and South America. Adapted from the source document.

The study of radicalization and de-radicalization, understood as processes leading towards the increased or decreased use of political violence, is central to the question of how political violence emerges, how it can be prevented, and how it can be contained. The focus section of this issue of the International Journal of Conflict and Violence addresses radicalization and de-radicalization, seeking to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the processes, dynamics, and mechanisms involved and taking an interdisciplinary approach to overcome the fragmentation into separate disciplines and focus areas. Contributions by Penelope Larzilliere, Felix Heiduk, Bill Kissane, Hank Johnston, Christian Davenport and Cyanne Loyle, Veronique Dudouet, and Lasse Lindekilde address repressive settings, legitimacy, institutional aspects, organizational outcomes, and dynamics in Europe, Asia, Africa, and North and South America. Adapted from the source document.

Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting trans-nationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe-that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of Europeanization from below. Adapted from the source document.

This collection of essays builds on a tradition of scholarly collaboration that began at a meeting of social movement scholars from the US & Europe at the Free U of Amsterdam in 1986. The meeting aimed to bridge the gaps between American & European scholarly traditions & between sociologists & political scientists. As new generations have joined in this collaboration, the bridge between old & new has had to be bridged as well. The contributions to this book reflect the richness of this collaboration as they study contemporary social movements & their interactions with opponents, authorities, & international institutions. They touch on some promising research topics such as global protest campaigns, counter-summits, cross-sectoral alliances among movements & nongovernmental organizations, & the refraction of transnational protest activity into the domestic arena. Drawing on recent cases of transnational contention -- eg, from the European Social Forum, the Argentinean human rights movement, & the Zapatistas -- the essays adapt the concepts & hypotheses developed in social movement scholarship to a new cycle of protest development around the globe under three headings: Transnationalism from the Inside; Diffusion & Scale Shift; & Internationalization. J. Stanton

Determines the contemporary effects of political corruption in Italy's national government, using judicial reports, findings from parliamentary inquiry commissions, parliamentany demands for indictments, & media coverage. Several examples of political corruption that have contributed to cost elevation, quality reduction, & extension of public works projects are presented. The consequences of the transaction costs involved in political bribery are considered, eg, the slowing-down of legitimate legislative processes & requests as well as the separation of the public market. An analysis of public opinion regarding the efficacy & objectivity of Italian governmental procedures indicates that corruption has accelerated the growth of public mistrust. It is subsequently concluded that mistrust is both a prerequisite for & a consequence of political corruption; moreover, political corruption is especially devastating to democratic institutions. 19 References. J. W. Parker

The impact of the political environment on the goals, strategies, & eventual successes of social movements are discussed in a comparative analysis of the evolution of varied Left-libertarian movements in Italy & the Federal Republic of Germany, 1965-1990. Cross-national transfer of themes, actions, & strategies through the media & direct communication influence the goals of social movements at the national level, & it is suggested that the Left-libertarian movements tended to become less radical as they gained access to political power & class conflict subsided. The supportive or alienating stance of the dominant Left party had the most significant impact on the development of these movements, regardless of whether that party was in power. The specific histories of the student, women's, environmental, & peace movements are discussed, & it is argued that these movements became more radical as support from the Left diminished. Under these circumstances, movement goals are not determined solely by member beliefs, but are the result of interactions with other movements &, especially, the political environment. 3 Tables, 4 Figures. T. Sevier

A symposium discussion of the following book by Pierre Rosanvallon; "Counter-Democracy: Politics in an Age of Distrust.".