La violenza politica: una introduzione
In: PArtecipazione e COnflitto: PACO = PArticipation and COnflict, Heft 3, S. 5-16
ISSN: 2035-6609
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In: PArtecipazione e COnflitto: PACO = PArticipation and COnflict, Heft 3, S. 5-16
ISSN: 2035-6609
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political Science, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 180-202
ISSN: 1741-1416
In: Quaderni di scienza politica: rivista quadrimestrale, Band 16, Heft 3, S. 581-604
ISSN: 1124-7959
In: Environmental politics, Band 16, Heft 5, S. 864-882
ISSN: 1743-8934
In: Mobilization: the international quarterly review of social movement research, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1086-671X
Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting trans-nationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe-that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of Europeanization from below. Adapted from the source document.
In: South European society & politics, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 1-21
ISSN: 1743-9612
Italy has been considered an Euro-enthusiastic country. On the basis of claims analysis as well as semi-structured interviews with key political actors, this article presents a more nuanced image. Permissive consensus has in fact been eroded in Italy too: although support for the principle of European integration remains high, specific policy choices of European Union institutions are criticized together with the perceived 'democratic deficit'. In fact, the increasing competences at the EU level have contributed to a politicization of the debate on European integration, with different actors constructing different images of economic, social and political Europe. Adapted from the source document.
In: South European society & politics, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 1-22
ISSN: 1360-8746
In: West European politics, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 830-853
ISSN: 1743-9655
The apparent triumph of the 'revolution of the judges' (which in the early 1990s led to talk of a 'Second Republic' in Italy) proved to be of short duration. Between the mid-1990s and the early 2000s the question of political corruption was intentionally demoted as a political priority by means of a 'bi-partisan' agreement. The 'Clean Hands' investigations do not seem to have led to the moral regeneration of Italian politics: available indicators on the diffusion of corruption instead signal high and constant levels. 'Clean Hands' opened a window of opportunity for overcoming the various 'anomalies' of Italian politics, but the political class was unable or unwilling to seize the moment. Not only is the balance sheet of actions against corruption rather meager, but profound divisions have emerged in the relationship between the judiciary and the 'new' political class. Adapted from the source document.
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 459-490
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Italian Political Science Review: IPSR = Rivista italiana di scienza politica : RISP, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 451-482
ISSN: 2057-4908
IntroduzioneNel corso dell'ultimo decennio, gli studiosi dei movimenti sociali negli Stati Uniti ed in Europa hanno prestato sempre più attenzione al contesto politico nel quale essi si mobilitano. In questo processo, la ricerca non solo ha fatto sempre più riferimento alla scienza politica per completare le sue concezioni originali (principalmente fornite dalla sociologia, dalla storia e dalla economia), ma è divenuta anche più comparata, focalizzandosi sull'impatto dei contesti politici nazionali, regionali e locali sulla mobilitazione e sulle sue conseguenze in vari paesi. Con la comparazione cross-nazionale, l'attenzione si è diretta agli effetti del cambiamento nel contesto internazionale sui sistemi sociali e sulla politica a livello nazionale. In altre parole, la ricerca sui movimenti sociali è divenuta lentamente consapevole che la divisione tra la politica comparata e le relazioni internazionali è sempre più anacronistica. Anche nello studio dei movimenti sociali, la sfida «è combinare i risultati di ambedue le prospettive senza perdere di vista i loro singoli contributi» (Garrett e Lange 1995, 654). É quello che cercheremo di fare nel corso di questo articolo, concentrandoci sull'impatto delle crescenti interazioni tra contesti politici nazionali ed internazionali e movimenti sociali in un mondo sempre più globale.
In: International journal of urban and regional research: IJURR, Band 22, Heft 3, S. 530-532
ISSN: 0309-1317
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 451-482
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 108-113
ISSN: 0010-4140
In: American political science review, Band 91, Heft 4, S. 992
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Political studies, Band 45, S. 516-538
ISSN: 0032-3217
Determines the contemporary effects of political corruption in Italy's national government, using judicial reports, findings from parliamentary inquiry commissions, parliamentany demands for indictments, & media coverage. Several examples of political corruption that have contributed to cost elevation, quality reduction, & extension of public works projects are presented. The consequences of the transaction costs involved in political bribery are considered, eg, the slowing-down of legitimate legislative processes & requests as well as the separation of the public market. An analysis of public opinion regarding the efficacy & objectivity of Italian governmental procedures indicates that corruption has accelerated the growth of public mistrust. It is subsequently concluded that mistrust is both a prerequisite for & a consequence of political corruption; moreover, political corruption is especially devastating to democratic institutions. 19 References. J. W. Parker