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"The Anthropology of Digital Practices connects for the first time three distinct research areas - digital ethnography, causal ethnography and media practice theory - to explore how we might track the effects of new media practices in a digital world. It invites media and communication students and scholars to overcome the field's old aversion to 'media effects' and explore the messy, complex, open-ended effects of new media practices in a digital age. Based on long-term ethnographic research and drawing from recent advances in the study of causality and ethnography, the book tells the 'formation story' of the anti-woke movement through a series of critical media events. It argues that media practices (e.g. podcasting, YouTubing, tweeting, commenting, broadcasting) will have 'formative' effects on an emerging social world at different points in time. One important task of the digital ethnographer is precisely to distinguish between the formative and non-formative effects of specific media practices. This book makes three contributions to our understanding of media practices in the digital era, namely a theoretical, methodological and empirical contribution. Theoretically, it furthers the 'practice turn' in media and communication studies by engaging with the latest thinking on causality and ethnography. Methodologically, it serves as a compelling, up-to-date guide to doing digital ethnography, with special reference to the study of digitally mediated practices. Empirically, it is the first book-length study of the anti-woke movement, a major actor in the 'culture wars' currently being fought across the Western world. With its accessible language and rich case studies, The Anthropology of Digital Practices will make an ideal supplementary textbook for a range of undergraduate and graduate courses in research methods, digital ethnography/anthropology, and digital activism"--

The link between the spread of social media and the recent surge of populism around the world remains elusive. A global, rather than Western, theory is required to explore this connection. Such a theory would need to pay particular attention to five questions, namely, the roots of populism, ideology and populism, the rise of theocratic populism, social media and non-populist politicians, and the embedding of social media in larger systems of communication. In this essay, I draw from a range of cross-cultural examples to argue that social media are inextricable from a dense web of highly diverse online and offline communicative practices. Like most other forms of political communication, populism is twice hybrid, in that it entails the ceaseless interaction between old and new media as well as between online and offline sites of communication. Populists never operate in a vacuum or indeed in a filter bubble: they share hybridly mediated spaces and arenas with other populists and with non-populists. Over time, these varied political actors have co-evolved media strategies and tactics in full awareness of one another's existence.

A post-Bourdieu version of field theory can produce nuanced analyses of the relationship between media change, the new citizen movements and ongoing struggles for democratic renewal. Through the case of Spain's indignados (15M) movement and its political offshoots, I explore the potential uses of a range of field concepts and propose a conceptual distinction between «field of civic action» and «dispersed civic space». Spain's recent political changes are not a continuous flow of events but rather a series of discrete, ephemeral fields of civic action separated by a long hiatus of dispersed civic space. These complexly mediated fields are socio-political «games» in which civic players with technopolitical and other skills interact with other players in pursuit of specific goals and rewards. As a result, new citizen-led initiatives (e.g. PAH, Podemos, Barcelona en Comú) have bridged the alternative vs. mainstream media divide to great social and political effect.Una versión de la teoría de campos post-Bourdieu puede producir análisis matizados de la relación entre el cambio de los medios de comunicación, los nuevos movimientos ciudadanos y las luchas por la renovación democrática actuales. Partiendo del movimiento de los indignados en España (15M), exploro los usos potenciales de una serie de conceptos de campo y propongo una distinción conceptual entre «campo de acción cívica» y «espacio cívico disperso». Los recientes cambios políticos en España no son un flujo continuo de acontecimientos, sino una serie de campos discretos y efímeros de acción cívica separados por un largo período de dispersión del espacio cívico. Estos campos complejamente mediados son «juegos» sociopolíticos en los que actores cívicos con habilidades tecno-políticas y de otra índole interactúan con otros jugadores en busca de metas y recompensas específicas. Como resultado, las nuevas iniciativas dirigidas por los ciudadanos (por ejemplo, pah, Podemos o Barcelona en Comú) han sido capaces de salvar las distancias entre los medios de comunicación alternativos y los principales medios de comunicación de masas y han tenido un gran efecto social y político.

A post-Bourdieu version of field theory can produce nuanced analyses of the relationship between media change, the new citizen movements and ongoing struggles for democratic renewal. Through the case of Spain's indignados (15M) movement and its political offshoots, I explore the potential uses of a range of field concepts and propose a conceptual distinction between «field of civic action» and «dispersed civic space». Spain's recent political changes are not a continuous flow of events but rather a series of discrete, ephemeral fields of civic action separated by a long hiatus of dispersed civic space. These complexly mediated fields are socio-political «games» in which civic players with technopolitical and other skills interact with other players in pursuit of specific goals and rewards. As a result, new citizen-led initiatives (e.g. PAH, Podemos, Barcelona en Comú) have bridged the alternative vs. mainstream media divide to great social and political effect.Una versión de la teoría de campos post-Bourdieu puede producir análisis matizados de la relación entre el cambio de los medios de comunicación, los nuevos movimientos ciudadanos y las luchas por la renovación democrática actuales. Partiendo del movimiento de los indignados en España (15M), exploro los usos potenciales de una serie de conceptos de campo y propongo una distinción conceptual entre «campo de acción cívica» y «espacio cívico disperso». Los recientes cambios políticos en España no son un flujo continuo de acontecimientos, sino una serie de campos discretos y efímeros de acción cívica separados por un largo período de dispersión del espacio cívico. Estos campos complejamente mediados son «juegos» sociopolíticos en los que actores cívicos con habilidades tecno-políticas y de otra índole interactúan con otros jugadores en busca de metas y recompensas específicas. Como resultado, las nuevas iniciativas dirigidas por los ciudadanos (por ejemplo, pah, Podemos o Barcelona en Comú) han sido capaces de salvar las distancias entre los medios de ...

In this article I address the challenge of how to study media and actual social changes ethnographically. To do so I draw from the relevant media ethnography literature, including my own research in Malaysia and Spain. I argue that ethnographers are well positioned to contribute to the interdisciplinary study of media and social change. However, to do so we must first shift our current focus on media and 'social changing' (i.e. how things are always changing) to the study of media in relation to actual social changes, e.g. the suburbanisation of Kuala Lumpur in the 1970s to 2000s, the secularisation of morality in post-Franco Spain, or the success of new indignados parties in Spain's 2015 local government elections. This shift from the ethnographic present continuous to the past simple – a move from potential to actual changes – does not require that we abandon ethnography in favour of social history. Rather, it demands new forms of 'diachronic ethnography' that can handle the biographical, phase-by-phase logic of actual social changes. It also requires that we conduct not only multi-sited (Marcus, 1995) but also multi-timed fieldwork on specific congeries of media practices, forms and agents. ; Bu makalede medya ve toplumsal değişimler gibi zorlu bir meselenin etnografik olarak nasıl incelenebileceği sorusuyla ilgileniyorum. Bu amaçla bu konuya odaklanan medya etnografisi literatürünün yanı sıra Malezya ve İspanya'da yürüttüğüm kendi çalışmalarımdan da yararlanıyorum. Etnografların medya ve toplumsal değişime dair disiplinlerarası incelemelere katkı sunabilecek bir konuma sahip olduklarını ileri sürüyorum. Öte yandan bunu başarabilmek için mutlaka dikkatimizi medya ve "toplumsal değişim"den (yani her şeyin sürekli değişim halinde olduğu yönündeki tespitten) medyanın fiilî toplumsal değişimlerle ilişkisi bağlamında incelenmesine çevirmemiz gerekiyor—1970'li yıllardan 2000'lere Kuala Lumpur'da yaşanan banliyöleşme, İspanya'da Franco sonrası dönemde ahlâkın sekülerleşmesi ya da yine İspanya'da yeni indignados partilerinin 2015 yerel seçimlerinde gösterdikleri başarı bu tür değişimlere örnek teşkil edebilir. Etnografik anlamda şimdiki zamandan geçmiş zamana—muhtemel değişimlerden fiilî değişimlere—doğru böylesi bir geçiş toplumsal tarih adına etnografiden vazgeçmemizi gerektirmez. Aksine bu tür bir yaklaşım fiilî toplumsal değişimlerin aşama aşama ilerleyen biyografik mantığını kavrayabilecek yeni "diyakronik etnografi" türlerine ihtiyaç duyar. Bunun üstesinden gelebilmek için medya pratikleri, medya biçimleri ve faillerine dair sadece çok-alanlı (Marcus, 1995) değil aynı zamanda çok-zamanlı saha çalışmaları yürütmemiz gerekir.

A revised, post-Bourdieu version of field theory can help to produce more nuanced analyses of the relationship between media change, the rise of new citizen movements and ongoing struggles for democratic renewal around the world. Taking as my example Spain's indignados (15M) movement and its political offshoots, I explore the potential uses of a range of field concepts, including a pair of contrasting notions introduced here for the first time: 'field of civic action' vs. 'dispersed civic space'. I argue that Spain's 15M movement is best understood not as a continuous flow of events but rather as a series of discrete, ephemeral fields of civic action separated by a long hiatus of dispersed civic space. These transient, complexly mediated fields can be regarded as socio-political games of a certain kind, namely as contests in which civic 'players' with unique skillsets, including techno-political skills, enter into relationships with other individual and collective players in pursuit of specific goals and rewards. Of particular salience in Spain is the rise of citizen-led initiatives (e.g. PAH, Podemos, Barcelona en Comú) that have managed to bridge the alternative vs. establishment media divide to great social and electoral effect. ; Una versión de la teoría de campos post-Bourdieu puede producir análisis matizados de la relación entre el cambio de los medios de comunicación, los nuevos movimientos ciudadanos y las luchas por la renovación democrática actuales. Partiendo del movimiento de los indignados en España (15M), exploro los usos potenciales de una serie de conceptos de campo y propongo una distinción conceptual entre «campo de acción cívica» y «espacio cívico disperso». Los recientes cambios políticos en España no son un flujo continuo de acontecimientos, sino una serie de campos discretos y efímeros de acción cívica separados por un largo período de dispersión del espacio cívico. Estos campos complejamente mediados son «juegos» sociopolíticos en los que actores cívicos con habilidades tecno-políticas y de otra índole interactúan con otros jugadores en busca de metas y recompensas específicas. Como resultado, las nuevas iniciativas dirigidas por los ciudadanos (por ejemplo, PAH,Podemos o Barcelona en Comú) han sido capaces de salvar las distancias entre los medios de comunicación alternativos y los principales medios de comunicación de masas y han tenido un gran efecto social y político.

AbstractThis article asks two related questions. First, to what extent has internet activism shaped social protest in Malaysia from the late 1990s to the present? Second, what can the history of internet activism and social protest in Malaysia tell us, if anything, about the 2011 global wave of protests? To address these questions I distinguish three key moments in Malaysia's eventful history of internet activism and social protest, namely the 1998-1999 reformasi movement, the electoral 'tsunami' of 2008 (in which the ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority), and the Bersih 2.0 rallies of 2011. I argue that Bersih 2.0 is best explained as both the latest episode in a series of uniquely Malaysian techno-political events and as a local variant of the global wave of protests of 2011 – a wave in which hackers, online journalists, and technology lawyers, as well as ordinary citizens using digital media, played an important part. The article ends with a summary and with suggestions for further research.