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Abstract
Building on studies of historical non-Westphalian world orders, this article challenges desires to identify a 'first' international. The question 'when was the first international?' is fundamental to defining disciplinary boundaries and the ontologies that shape them. Such quests are substantialist rather than relational, limiting our understanding of the relations and diversity of agents involved in world ordering. Existing approaches to the 'first' international are caught in a 'Mesopotamian trap': a combination of social evolution conceptual models grounded in colonial epistemologies, analytical presentism, and the surviving propaganda of ancient urban rulers. This article proposes 'dynamic multiplicity' as a new framework to account for the diversity, complexity, dynamism, and relationality of world orders in past and present. Dynamic multiplicity emphasizes: a quantitative and qualitative multiplicity of actors; never-ending and always unfolding relations; the instability and permeability of social actors; the diachronic nature of social action; hierarchical and heterarchical power relations; the multi-scalar spatiality of the social; and sustained and critical interdisciplinarity. It applies dynamic multiplicity to the case of Sumer and ancient West Asia, a so-called 'first' international, to reveal a diversity of durable relational actors and contradict assumptions that international relations necessarily lead to world orders of homogenous unit-types.

AbstractCalls for a more "global" international relations (IR) based on theories grounded in world rather than Western histories have highlighted the Eurocentrism of history within the discipline. Global IR literature, however, neglects the role of tempocentrism in fostering that Eurocentrism. Tempocentric IR portrays the past as an extrapolation of the (Eurocentric) present, suggesting an inevitability and normality to Western dominance of international relations and obscuring non-Western significance. It also deprives IR theory-building of a broader pool of examples to inform existing theories. This article locates those centrisms in the textbooks of the discipline, while drawing on interdisciplinary research to reveal the disproportionate influence of the first years of higher education on students' future worldviews. It is here that students are exposed to a historical grand narrative that establishes the boundaries of their inquiries and outlines what is, and what is not, significant. For a more "global" IR, therefore, it is suggested that textbook historical narratives require reconstructing in two ways. First, textbook history should be presented through connections and relations rather than substances. Second, historical chapters should reveal the multiple layers of time, including the deeper past, that have been instrumental in constituting the international relations of today.

AbstractThis article compares the awarding patterns of the two senior Anglophone military decorations, the British/Commonwealth Victoria Cross and the American Medal of Honor, to challenge arguments that a shift to 'post‐heroic' warfare has been in progress in Western societies since 1990. Despite the two decorations being independent of each other, each born of a particular military, political, and social context in their respective parent societies, the article reveals strong consistencies across the two. These include common understandings of military heroism centred on infantry‐ rather than machine‐intensive combat, and a shared neglect of armoured, aerial, and naval combatants. Crucially, the medal data suggests that, despite academic suggestions to the contrary, there was no discernible shift towards 'post‐heroism' in the post‐Cold War era. Such a shift, however, is observable between 1916 and 1920, suggesting that the 'new Western way of war' began far earlier than is often suggested.

AbstractThe popularity of Foucauldian understandings of government in International Relations (IR) has led to a vibrant debate over the utility of Foucault's work for the discipline, especially over its applicability outside Western liberal societies. By concentrating on governmentality's international applicability, however, IR scholarship has neglected Foucault's account of the foundations of modern social mentalities, apparatuses, and techniques. Foucault frequently based his ideas on historical research, with warfare and military affairs featuring prominently in his accounts of discipline and governmentality.Based on a problematisation of the military aspects of Foucault's thought, this article challenges Foucauldian IR scholarship to revisit governmentality's foundations and reconsider the contemporary relevance of Foucault's account of government. Foucault neglected the heterogeneity of European militaries, such as their reliance on impermanent, auxiliary, and non-Western forces. He thereby missed the opportunity to develop a more sophisticated account of the relationship between force, the military, government, discipline, and biopolitics. Moreover, this article challengesFoucauldian IR scholarship to revisit the empirical foundations of Foucault's work and reconsider the geographical and temporal extent of the relevance of Foucault's account of government as a result.

This book is concerned with EU democracy promotion inside Tunisia, the first Arab signatory of an Association Agreement with the EU. Focusing on the content, context, mechanisms, and outcomes of democratization via association, the authors examine whether Tunisia's specific mode of democratization works in tandem with EU democracy promotion objectives, and the extent to which both adapt association in a way that neither sabotages EU democracy promotion nor undermines Tunisia's specificity. Drawing on Arabic, English and French sources, the book deploys a variety of methods and disciplinary approaches - discourse analysis, interviews, democratization theory, foreign policy analysis, security studies, political history, nationalism and identity - and takes an interpretivist perspective, conceiving of political processes as fluid and tentative. The first comprehensive study of the effects of the Union's Mediterranean democracy promotion strategy on a single recipient state, this book will be relevant to students of Middle East politics, European foreign policy, Euro-Mediterranean studies, democratization theory, and Euro-Arab relations, this book will also be of great interest to researchers, academics and policy-makers.