Suchergebnisse

It is currently possible to consider public corruption as the most insidious and dangerous phenomenon to economic, political, and social development in the country. Both the local and international reactions to the recurrent scandals, however, have been mostly unable to translate into the proper implementation of effective public policies. Why have the public demands to fight corruption failed to break once and for all the statu quo? This paper suggests the formal recognition of both illicit incentives and political capital as key elements to explain the level of political will to fight corruption. Building on this premise, it offers an analysis of the corruption phenomenon based on four possible scenarios though which its presence produces stress for the political system and threatens the stability of the statu quo: (i) Inefficiency in processes; (ii) public perception; (iii) acquired intolerance; and (iv) accumulated neglect. Discussing specific cases taking place over the past three decades, the paper also describes the governmental strategies that were adopted on each occasion to reduce demands and stimulate popular support, and which ultimately reflected the particular position of the incumbent actors. ; Actualmente, es posible considerar a la corrupción pública como el fenómeno más insidioso y peligroso para el desarrollo económico, político y social del país. La reacción tanto local como internacional a los recurrentes escándalos, sin embargo, ha sido mayormente incapaz de traducirse en la correcta implementación de políticas públicas efectivas. ¿Por qué las demandas públicas de lucha contra la corrupción no logran romper definitivamente el statu quo? El presente artículo plantea el reconocimiento formal de incentivos ilícitos y de capital político como elementos claves que explican el nivel de voluntad política detrás de la lucha contra la corrupción. Sobre esta premisa, se propone el análisis del fenómeno de la corrupción en base a cuatro escenarios posibles en que su presencia produce estrés sobre el sistema político y amenaza la estabilidad del statu quo: (i) ineficiencia en procesos, (ii) percepción pública, (iii) intolerancia adquirida y (iv) negligencia acumulada. Por medio de la discusión de casos específicos ocurridos en las últimas tres décadas en el Perú, el artículo describe las estrategias gubernamentales que fueron adoptadas en cada ocasión para reducir demandas y estimular el apoyo popular, y que finalmente reflejaron la postura particular de los actores políticos de turno.

Since the beginning of the past decade, the tolerance of corruption by citizens of most Latin American countries has become a concept in its own right within the broader study of corruption. This construct, however, lacks a systematic approach and is yet to account for specific types of corruption tolerance or identify appropriate indicators to measure them. The present study addresses these voids by analyzing data provided by LAPOP's AmericasBarometer 2006 for Peru (a typical case for the incidence of bribery in Latin America) and the Global Corruption Barometer against a carefully constructed framework for the understanding of the phenomenon of corruption tolerance. The results indicate that attitudes toward specific types of low-level corruption should not be equated to citizens' decisions to engage in such behavior. They further suggest that the study of corruption tolerance has the potential to greatly improve our understanding of the determinants of corruption in developing countries. (JPLA/GIGA)

Transition from central planning to a free-market system in Hungary; some emphasis on the restructuring of the financial system.