Suchergebnisse

As a new principle in the world, Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is an obligation on the part of the international community and on the part of the states to protect civilians from mass atrocities by doing several actions like giving international aids, reducing poverty, supporting peacebuilding, educating the population, until military intervention. However, military intervention under R2P norm in Libya produce a counterproductive result which then led the country into civil war. From this background, therefore, the purpose of this article is to examine the implementation of R2P in Libya into four types of lessons learned. The first lesson, R2P is corrupted by great powers that make the military intervention far from its mandate. The second lesson is the inconsistency practice from an R2P military intervention which led to the question of credibility of military intervention in Libya. The third lesson is diplomacy must be prioritized rather than military intervention since that there is an R2P success story without military intervention. The last is the recommendation to implement Responsibility while Protecting (RWP) principle in the R2P framework.Keywords: Responsibility to Protect (R2P), Libya, Diplomacy, Military Intervention, Responsibility while Protecting

Coronavirus Diseases (COVID-19) in Italy was remarkably immense, with more than two hundred thousand infected cases, and more than thirty thousand people had died because of the virus as of 27th July 2020. The high number of mortality rate makes the Italy case is essential to be further explored. This article aims to elaborate on government response and strategy in handling COVID-19 that spread within the country. This article unfolds in four sections; the first part discusses how COVID-19 could spread massively in Italy and cause death for a thousand people. The second part explains the government measure and its effectivity in containing the virus. The third part elaborates on the impact of COVID-19 along with the government response in the socio-economic aspect. The last part explores the future of Italy after COVID-19. The article employs a literature review that analyzes information from various sources such as academic journals, research reports from the think tank, and news media outlets. Keywords: Coronavirus, Italy, Government, Response Kasus coronavirus di Italia sangat tinggi dan massif dengan lebih dari dua ratus ribu orang terinfeksi dan lebih dari lima puluh ribu orang meninggal pertanggal 27 Juli 2020. Tingginya jumlah orang yang terinfeksi dan jumlah orang yang meninggal membuat Italia menjadi kasus yang menarik untuk dibahas. Tujuan dari artikel ini untuk mengelaborasi tentang bagaimana respon dan strategi pemerintah Italia dalam menangani virus yang sudah menyebar di Italia. Artikel ini terdiri dari empat bahasan, pertama membahas tentang awal mula COVID-19 bisa menyebar secara masif di Italia dan mengakibatkan puluhan ribu orang meninggal. Kedua, membahas tentang bagaimana respon dari pemerintah Italia dan juga efektifitasnya dalam menangani penyebaran virus ini. Ketiga, membahas tentang dampak yang diakibatkan dari COVID-19 beserta respon pemerintah terhadap aspek sosio-ekonomi di Italia. Keempat, mendiskusikan bagaimana masa depan Italia setelah COVID-19. Artikel ini menggunakan tinjauan pustaka untuk melakukan analisis terkait dengan topik artikel yang berasal dari banyak sumber seperti jurnal akademis, laporan peneltian, artikel berita dan lain sebagainya. Kata-kata Kunci: Coronavirus, Italia, Pemerintah, Respons

The rise of China can be perceived either as a threat or as an opportunity to and for the US, mostly depending on US grand foreign policy interests and its related strategies. If the US feels comfortable living in a multipolar world in which it is considered to be an equal among the major powers, China is more likely to be perceived as a partner. However, if the goal of US foreign policy is to strengthen its position as the sole superpower or even as a hyper-power, and does not choose to recognise other major countries, then the rise of China will be perceived as a threat. Based on this underlying assumption, this article seeks to examine the exact interests of the US: Is it threatened by the rise of China or is it not? This article starts by explaining the grand theories and relating it to the research question. The next explanation examines the economic ties between the two countries. The final consideration is the possibility of military conflict given several recent occurrences, such as the Taiwan and South China Sea (SCS) dispute. This article concludes that the rise of China will threaten the interests of the US. However, it will not necessarily lead to war between them.

The purpose of this article is to correlate Indonesia's global maritime fulcrum (GMF) as Indonesia's middle power strategy to its responseto the two geopolitical strategies of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China and the Free andOpen Indo-Pacific (FOIP) of the Quad (the United States, India, Japan and Australia). This article used the process-tracing method to examine the information sourced from journal articles, news media outlets, government press releases and other resources. The article unfolds in four sections. The first explains the background of why the global maritime fulcrum was chosen as Indonesia's middle power strategy response tothe BRI and FOIP. The second explains how Indonesia usesthe GMF as its middle power strategy. The third part explores how the middle power strategy through the GMF policy responds tothe BRI. The last part elaborates on Indonesia's strategy when responding to the FOIP. It concludes that it is prevalent that Indonesia usesthe GMF as its middle power strategy when responding to the BRI and FOIP.

Abstract
The purpose of this research is to know the cyberthreat faced by Indonesian society and understand how the government responds towards this threat. This study employs two types of data. The first came from the literature for building the theoretical linkage, and the second came from an online survey of 328 respondents about cyberthreats that they experience, as well as the respondents' perception regarding the government's response. The results were then analyzed systematically along with the literature review analysis. The results show that 64 percent of Indonesian respondents have modest knowledge in terms of cyberthreats and regulations made for it. There are three main arguments for this condition. First, low level of knowledge in cyberthreat within the society. Second, Indonesian people unprepared to face the cyberthreat surrounding their daily life. Third, an inadequate Indonesian government response to prevent and tackle the cyberthreat.