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Water. In the existence and activities of each individual it is water that (un) consciously essentially defines them. Therefore, water is called the source of life, but nowadays we know it under the new concept: blue gold. The reason for such a modern understanding of the role of water lies in the increasing limitations of access to sufficient quantities, which first results in water stress – the situation where needs remain unmet, but water scarcity does not yet interfere with the foundations of the activities of societies. Water stress is thus the first form of threat to water security, especially when deficiency destroys all basic social systems that cannot function without water. The question of the role of water between them is increasingly being raised, as the operation of one system in the area of water consumption or management can mean interfering with the water potential of another system. This confronts us with the effect of the definite quantities of water, although countries with ample water resources and quantity (still) often do not understand or perceive it. Of course, this does not mean that the debate is not necessary; it is, conversely, necessary, and it is only in this way that it is possible to prevent or at least control the situation in which many countries around the world have found themselves and there is a total lack of water resources in the most existential aspects. Under these conditions, water security has become the most essential element of national security of these countries and thus a potential weak link in ensuring security.

The war in Ukraine will have broad implications for the European region and the world as a whole. It has already changed the intricate balance in the world order influencing great power competition rendering some geostrategic priorities obsolete while reinforcing others. The biggest geo-economic project of the People's Republic of China (PRC): the Belt and Road (BRI) initiative, will be no exception. The transport and energy flows of BRI will be disrupted due to the new Iron Curtain descending across Europe in the form of sanctions against aggressors in the war in Ukraine. To balance this in the short term, the PRC will have to reroute much of its BRI cargo and projects into other corridors. In the long term, the PRC will attempt to divert Russian resources from the West to itself within the BRI framework, thus rendering western sanctions ineffective and assuring the longterm success of the BRI.

The paper analyses the question of relations between the mayor and deputymayor, particularly in terms of division of competences. The paper also deals with the standpoints of mayors and deputy-mayors regarding the institution of deputy-mayor. Furthermore, it verifies the assumption that the current regulatory framework regarding the appointment (and determination of competences) of the deputy-mayor is not entirely appropriate. Based on the analysis of objective data and research surveys among mayors and deputy-mayors of Slovenian municipalities, we analyse the problems of the functioning of those players. We learn that the current Slovenian legislation is favourable to consolidating the position and power of the mayor, because he/she can freely appoint and determine competences of the deputy- mayor(s).

A suitable quality level of the main functions and tasks of municipal administrations is a fundamental condition for the existence and development of every activity, not only for market-oriented organisations but also the public sector. Slovenian municipalities have not adopted a general policy on quality and it is therefore difficult to speak of the optimisation of work in a municipal administration, the efficiency and rationality of work, cost reduction, nor to evaluate the performance of an administration and the individual civil servants it employs. The authors of this article present the results of an empirical research project on administrative capacity carried out among the directors of Slovenian municipal administrations in both 2007 and 2012 and an analysis of the topic in the context of reorganisation of local administrations. By means of the Administrative Capacity Index (ACI), they evaluate the degrees of individual municipalities' administrative capacities and establish at what population size a municipality can be regarded as administratively capable.

The paper analyses the question of relations between the mayor and the director of municipal administration on one hand and between the mayor and deputy mayor on the other, particularly in terms of division of competences. The paper also deals with the standpoints of mayors and deputy mayors regarding the institution of deputy mayor. Furthermore, it verifies the assumption that the current regulatory framework regarding the appointment (and determination of competences) of the director of municipal administration and deputy mayor is not entirely appropriate. Based on the analysis of objective data and research surveys among mayors, directors of municipal administration, and deputy mayors of Slovenian municipalities, we have analysed the problems of the functioning of those actors. We have learned that current Slovenian legislation is in favour of consolidating the position and power of the mayor, because he/she can freely appoint, dismiss, and determine the competences of the highest official in the municipality as well as of the deputy mayor. ; U radu se analizira pitanje odnosa gradonačelnika i direktora gradske uprave s jedne strane te gradonačelnika i dogradonačelnika s druge strane. Posebna se pozornost poklanja podjeli njihovih ovlasti. Razmatraju se i stajališta gradonačelnika i dogradonačelnika o funkciji dogradonačelnika. Nadalje, potvrđuje se pretpostavka da sadašnji zakonodavni okvir koji regulira imenovanje i nadležnosti direktora gradske uprave i dogradonačelnika nije sasvim primjeren. Na temelju analize podataka i rezultata dobivenih anketom provedenom među gradonačelnicima, direktorima gradske uprave i dogradonačelnicima slovenskih lokalnih jedinica, analiziraju se problemi funkcioniranja tih aktera. Očito je da važeće slovensko zakonodavstvo podržava konsolidaciju položaja i ovlasti gradonačelnika, budući da on može po volji imenovati, razriješiti i odrediti ovlasti najvišeg službenika lokalne jedinice kao i dogradonačelnika.

The year 1664 represented an important historic milestone in Southeast Europe. The Ottoman Empire reached its peak size in Europe, but at the same time the gradual decline of their rule began tobe obvious. The Habsburg court, headed by the Caesar Leopold I, was not prepared to carry out an extensive military operation against the Ottomans. The latter, well aware of this fact, substantially raided the lands of Ban Nikola Zrinski, especially the beglerbeg of Kanizsa with his constant invasions into the surroundings of Varaždin. In order to protect his lands, the Croatian Ban decided to build fortresses at the borders with the Ottoman estates. However, the Habsburg court did not approve of those decisions. When the Ottoman Army decided to spend the winter in Belgrade, the Viennese court expected the extensive military operations to take place in the summer months of 1664. As the sentiment that the attack is the best defence prevailed, the preparations for the Winter March against the Ottoman units began. The instigator was the Croatian Ban Nikola Zrinski, who counted on the support and participation of Count Julius of Hohenlohe. The primary strategic goal of this military operation was to destroy or at least damage the renowned Suleiman Bridge in Osijek, which served as an entry point into the Hungarian region for all Ottoman military units, so its destruction would represent a huge logistic challenge for the crossing of the Drava River.

The 17th century was one of the most turbulent centuries in the history of Europe. Both its beginning and its end were marked by wars with the Ottoman Empire, the first half by a 30-year religious war, and the second half by a mini-ice age, in addition to the final turnaround in the Austrian-Turkish wars. Given all of this, the Austrian-Turkish war between 1663 and 1664 seems to be only a minor episode. Nevertheless, this war was considered an important turning point in European history. It coincided with the time when the surface area of the Ottoman Empire in Europe was at its largest and signaled the end of the Ottoman power and domination in South-Eastern Europe. The battle of Saint Gotthard did not change the course of European history; however, it did expose some of the weaknesses of the Austrian Imperial Army on the one hand and the failings of the Turkish Army on the other. It can be argued that the experience of this battle convinced the Austrian emperor that victory in the Austrian-Turkish war was possible. At the same time, this was an essential motivational aspect for Hungary in the coming fighting with the Turks. During this period, Hungary was still mainly under the occupation of the Ottoman Empire. The above-mentioned was followed by the slow, but persistent decline of the Ottoman rule in the Western Balkans.

Due to the extreme heterogeneity of municipal sizes resulting in a number of small municipalities that are struggling to meet regulatory demands and standards, Slovenia should be the poster child for inter-municipal cooperation. This, coupled with the absence of a second level of local government, should make for flourishing inter-municipal cooperation. This article demonstrates how sound arguments for the establishment of inter-municipal cooperation do not always achieve favourable results – as in a vibrant and productive web of inter-municipal dialogue and cooperation. It was only after significant governmental subsidies were implemented in Slovenia that the municipalities initiated a cooperation process; however, that process only extended to subsidised tasks. The results of the empirical analyses show that a bottom-up process might take too long a time, while a local government (legal) framework may inhibit cooperation due to the fear of losing authority over municipal tasks.

There are numerous ways for localities to exercise tax powers. However, not all localities utilize their taxing powers. Taxation strategies are numerous and are influenced by the size of local government, the percentage of taxes that the local government takes, share and the local government's autonomy over taxation. Local governments in Slovenia have some tax autonomy, but local taxes only represent about 13 percent of municipal total tax revenue. This article reviews taxation by local governments in Slovenia as well as some potential reasons for their under-taxing. We can conclude that local governments in Slovenia use local taxes as a fiscal measure and that share of (all) own taxes positively correlate to the size of the municipality. Small municipalities tend to under-tax (or avoid taxing completely), and since equalisation mechanisms do not reward taxation inactivity, the most probable explanation for this practice is closeness to the electorate.