Interaction of Corporate Structures in the EU: Impact of Digitalization
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 10, S. 93-102
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In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 10, S. 93-102
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 10, S. 52-63
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 5, S. 33-41
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 9, S. 48-52
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 10, S. 74-83
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 4, S. 119-131
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 4, S. 37-44
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 2, S. 107-116
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 1, S. 23-38
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 3, S. 53-65
Washington's strategic course in Central Asia is primarily aimed at weakening China in the region, being an integral part of the anti-Chinese trend of Donald Trump's policy. At the same time, it pursues the goal of weakening the role of Russia, which is a constant of the US policy. Relations with the regional countries are actualized by the "Afghanistan factor" in connection with the impending withdrawal of the American contingent from the IRA. Uzbekistan is considered by Washington as an outpost of its policy in Central Asia, primarily in the Afghan direction. In Kazakhstan, the United States concentrat on promoting anti-Chinese sentiments. Despite the fact that relations with three other countries in the region remain on the periphery of Washington's policy, their development is envisaged by the framework of the C5 + 1 format.
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 3, S. 126-138
It is clear that the presence of an Islamic factor in WWW has become an objective reality, including in the post-Soviet Muslim countries. It could be determined as a Cyber-Islamic Environment (CIE). In the post-Soviet space the CIE is represented mostly by official Islamic structures, while the presence of unofficial religious organizations and individual preachers is more limited. Nevertheless the influence of the non-official CIE is significant and is capable to be converted into one of the mechanisms of social protests and revolutionary activities in post-Soviet Muslim countries in case of emergence of critical situations. It is clear that state authorities will accelerate control over the CIE in the coming years using various instruments against religious radicalism and extremism in WWW.
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 9, S. 96-104
In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO, Band 64, Heft 5, S. 93-100
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 3, S. 139-147
In July 2020 military clashes took place at the border of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The escalation of tension just at the border of two countries and not in Nagorno-Karabakh assigns the conflict an interstate status. As a result, a hair-trigger situation can be on track in South Caucasus, because Armenia is a member of Collective Security Treaty Organization, and Azerbaijan is actively supported by Turkey.
In: Russia and New States of Eurasia, Heft 1, S. 39-52