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There is always a need for new measures of public accountability and integrity, not so much because current systems are lacking, but because new challenges constantly arise. One such challenge is emerging as parliamentary systems within Westminster-influenced jurisdictions are becoming more accustomed to minority parties and/or independents playing a significant role in government. This is particularly potent in the current Australian context where a minority parliament has resulted in a situation where the changing vote of any parliamentarian could change the outcome of legislation. This situation raises new questions and presents new opportunities for the development of enhanced measures to support ethical action and decision-making for all parliamentarians. More specifically, the anticipated creation of an Australian Commissioner of Parliamentary Integrity, with a brief to provide advice on ethical issues for parliamentarians, provides such an opportunity. This article draws on recent literature to put forward an expanded model of 'parliamentary integrity', as well as acknowledging the need for greater practical utility of concepts in this field by exploring a range of challenges that face independents and single-member parties. It suggests that the new Commissioner's role might be grounded in a notion of parliamentary integrity as the service of the public good, rather than the simple avoidance of coercion, corruption or crime. In doing so, the article identifies not only an opportunity to respond to the current political landscape in Australia but also to set a new standard for integrity and accountability in Westminster systems.

There is always a need for new measures of public accountability and integrity, not so much because current systems are lacking, but because new challenges constantly arise. One such challenge is emerging as parliamentary systems within Westminster-influenced jurisdictions are becoming more accustomed to minority parties and/or independents playing a significant role in government. This is particularly potent in the current Australian context where a minority parliament has resulted in a situation where the changing vote of any parliamentarian could change the outcome of legislation. This situation raises new questions and presents new opportunities for the development of enhanced measures to support ethical action and decision-making for all parliamentarians. More specifically, the anticipated creation of an Australian Commissioner of Parliamentary Integrity, with a brief to provide advice on ethical issues for parliamentarians, provides such an opportunity. This article draws on recent literature to put forward an expanded model of 'parliamentary integrity', as well as acknowledging the need for greater practical utility of concepts in this field by exploring a range of challenges that face independents and single-member parties. It suggests that the new Commissioner's role might be grounded in a notion of parliamentary integrity as the service of the public good, rather than the simple avoidance of coercion, corruption or crime. In doing so, the article identifies not only an opportunity to respond to the current political landscape in Australia but also to set a new standard for integrity and accountability in Westminster systems.

Topical and up to the minute, Minority Policy: Rethinking governance when parliament matters explores the influence of marginal parliamentarians both within the major parties and on the cross benches in the formations of contemporary public policy. Despite Australia having minority government in some form for almost three decades, in theoretical and popular terms it seems that this nation has not yet come to terms with minority as the new norm. Further, prominent policy cycle theory overlooks the subtle but significant influence of marginal parliamentarians on public policy. This book argu.

Within Westminster-based majority parliaments, the presence of minority government runs contrary to the conventional wisdom. Over the last 40 years, however, there has been a steady voting trend away from major parties in many of these parliaments. The complex composition of the Australian Senate after July 2014 reinforces that non-ministerial marginal members continue to be a vital part of the political landscape. This article introduces the concept of the marginal member and examines the potential influence of these members for legislative outcomes and lobbying success. In doing so, the article provides a heuristic through which to identify avenues of policy influence and presents a range of strategies for lobbyists working with marginal members within minority-government contexts.

Currently, a range of common terms are being used differently within government and the emergency management community. This paper provides a foundation for an understanding of the term 'resilience' so that constructive discussion can emerge amongst those involved in disaster management policy and practice. In doing so, we provide a short review of how the term can be used differently within policy, as well as how it has come to be influential in emergency management policy.

A steady decline in major party support in Commonwealth nations has resulted in changing parliamentary compositions, including the growing prevalence of minority government. Such situations pose new questions for notions of government legitimacy within Westminster systems. For instance, is negotiation with cross-benchers an example of government illegitimacy? What is the legitimate role of non-ministerial members when the composition of parliament gives them the final say on the enabling legislation for public policy? What is the legitimate response of the public sector regarding policy-making in the context of minority government? In this paper, we reflect on how a 'marginal member' concept can provide new insights into such issues and their implications.

Within Westminster-based majority parliaments, the presence of minority government runs contrary to the conventional wisdom. Over the last 40 years, however, there has been a steady voting trend away from major parties in many of these parliaments. The complex composition of the Australian Senate after July 2014 reinforces that non-ministerial marginal members continue to be a vital part of the political landscape. This article introduces the concept of the marginal member and examines the potential influence of these members for legislative outcomes and lobbying success. In doing so, the article provides a heuristic through which to identify avenues of policy influence and presents a range of strategies for lobbyists working with marginal members within minority-government contexts.

A steady decline in major party support in Commonwealth nations has resulted in changing parliamentary compositions, including the growing prevalence of minority government. Such situations pose new questions for notions of government legitimacy within Westminster systems. For instance, is negotiation with cross-benchers an example of government illegitimacy? What is the legitimate role of non-ministerial members when the composition of parliament gives them the final say on the enabling legislation for public policy? What is the legitimate response of the public sector regarding policy-making in the context of minority government? In this paper, we reflect on how a 'marginal member' concept can provide new insights into such issues and their implications.

Currently, a range of common terms are being used differently within government and the emergency management community. This paper provides a foundation for an understanding of the term 'resilience' so that constructive discussion can emerge amongst those involved in disaster management policy and practice. In doing so, we provide a short review of how the term can be used differently within policy, as well as how it has come to be influential in emergency management policy.

In the context of ongoing debates around academic engagements with policymakers, this article discusses how academics can successfully engage with the often overlooked institution of Parliament. We argue that the UK Parliament is not a homogeneous organisation but has differing knowledge requirements for different parliamentary sites. While there are common barriers that need to be overcome by researchers, there is no universal recipe that will ensure successful research impact. We argue that there are different forms of engagement likely to lead to influence, and that co-production is the most important way by which academics can engage with Parliament.

AbstractThe Cities and Local Government Devolution Bill 2015–2016[HL] was introduced into the House of Lords as Bill No. 1 in the 2015–2016 parliamentary session. The Bill forms a critical element of the government's high‐profile policy of devolving powers and responsibilities to local areas within England. The transition from first‐generation 'city deals' to second‐generation 'devolution deals' within five years provides a sense of the pace and development of the reform agenda but there is also a strong sense that something is missing. 'Missing' in the sense of an understanding of the specific type of devolution on offer, 'missing' in the sense of how an explosion of bilateral new 'deals' will be offset against the obvious risks of fragmentation and complexity, and 'missing'—most importantly—in relation to the democratic roots that might be put in place to counterbalance the economic thrust and make the reform agenda sustainable. It is in exactly this context that this article argues that the full potential of the current devolution agenda will only be realised when the Conservative government fulfils its September 2014 commitment to wider civic engagement about how England is governed.