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"In the depths of a depression in 1894, a highly successful Gilded Age businessman named Jacob Coxey led a group of jobless men on a march from his hometown of Massillon, Ohio, to the steps of the nation's Capitol. Though a financial panic and the resulting widespread business failures caused millions of Americans to be without work at the time, the word unemployment was rarely used and generally misunderstood. In an era that worshipped the self-reliant individual who triumphed in a laissez-faire market, the out-of-work "tramp" was disparaged as weak or flawed, and undeserving of assistance. Private charities were unable to meet the needs of the jobless, and only a few communities experimented with public works programs. Despite these limitations, Coxey conceived a plan to put millions back to work building a nationwide system of roads and drew attention to his idea with the march to Washington. In Coxey's Crusade for Jobs, Jerry Prout recounts Coxey's story and adds depth and context by focusing on the reporters who were embedded in the march. Their fascinating depictions of life on the road occupied the headlines and front pages of America's newspapers for more than a month, turning the spectacle into a serialized drama. These accounts humanized the idea of unemployment and helped Americans realize that in a new industrial economy, unemployment was not going away and the unemployed deserved attention. This unique study will appeal to scholars and students interested in the Gilded Age and US and labor history."

AbstractCoxey's March was a multidimensional spectacle reflecting the disparate social and intellectual strands that comprised an energetic late 19th‐century producer's movement. This well‐staged, though seemingly spontaneous, march was emblematic of a brand of grassroots populism that united producers from farm fields to factory floors. Their cause was propelled by an eclectic array of reformers whose distinct ideas to change the economic landscape were united only in their common vision of a more cooperative, rather than corporate, vision of the future. Coxey shared in that vision with his bold public works plan. In choosing a direct form of democratic expression, and then adorning it with religious and utopian symbols, his march to Washington reflected the essence of a progressive populism churning throughout the Gilded Age.

PurposeTo develop the self‐interested, business rationale for the export of socially responsible business behavior by multinational firms to developing economies.Design/methodology/approachReview the rationale for the ascendance of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the developed economies, the skepticism that emerged regarding CSR and the proliferation of codes to guide CSR conduct. From this perspective build a parallel case for the development of a business rationale for CSR in the developing economies and how multinational firms can play a transformative role.FindingsCorporations typically have a self‐interested approach to adopting CSR values; either for marketing purposes, or to sustain acceptance among socially conscious investors, consumers, competitors, etc. This same approach should be adopted in the developing world: because consumers and investors transfer these same expectations globally; because businesses in developing countries want acceptance; and because multinationals can test performance‐based rather than regulatory‐based approaches to CSR behaviors.Research limitations/implicationsMeasurements of on the ground progress in implementing CSR standards abroad are limited both by lack of empirical data, and accepted understanding of measurement yardsticks. This should be the subject of additional research and analysis.Originality/valueCorporations and stakeholders might find common ground in developing acceptable codes of conduct for CSR behavior in the developing economies and non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) might serve as credible, third‐party auditors of conduct.