Frontmatter -- contents -- foreword -- preface -- introduction -- 1. the sexuality of terrorism -- 2. abu ghraib and u.s. sexual exceptionalism -- 3. intimate control, infinite detention -- 4. ''the turban is not a hat'' -- conclusion -- postscript -- acknowledgments -- notes -- references -- index
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Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Preface: Hands Up, Don't Shoot! -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: The Cost of Getting Better -- 1. Bodies with New Organs: Becoming Trans, Becoming Disabled -- 2 Crip Nationalism: From Narrative Prosthesis to Disaster Capitalism -- 3 Disabled Diaspora, Rehabilitating State: The Queer Politics of Reproduction in Palestine/Israel -- 4 "Will Not Let Die": Debilitation and Inhuman Biopolitics in Palestine -- Postscript: Treatment without Checkpoints -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index
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Jasbir K. Puar continues her pathbreaking work on the liberal state, sexuality, and biopolitics to theorize the production of disability, using Israel's occupation of Palestine as an example of how settler colonial states rely on liberal frameworks of disability to maintain control of bodies and populations.
"Transgender rights are the civil rights issue of our time." So stated Vice President Joe Biden just one week before the November 2012 election. This article critically reframes calls such as this by foregrounding a historical trajectory not celebrated by national LGBT groups or media or explicitly theorized in most queer or trans theory: the move from the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act to the present moment of trans hailing by the US state. Such a trajectory helps map the ways that neoliberal mandates regarding productive, capacitated bodies entrain the trans body to recreate an abled body not only in terms of gender and sexuality but also in terms of economic productivity and the economic development of national economy. Rather than argue for a better form of discretion between the categories of trans and disability, this article analyzes the ontological irreducibilities of such categories, irreducibilities that dissolve them through multiplicity. In following the implications of such an argument, this article unfolds trans and disability studies' concerns within a broader analysis of the geopolitics of racial ontology.
Neste artigo irei contextualizar o aumento do número de movimentos de gays e lésbicas no âmbito dos debates sobre os discursos dos direitos e da temática dos direitos, que é seguramente o mais forte afrodisíaco do liberalismo. Analiso o modo como a sexualidade se tornou parte de uma formação essencial na articulação de cidadãos plenos através dos vários registos, como género, classe e etnia, quer nacional, quer transnacionalmente. Este estudo posiciona claramente o homonacionalismo como categoria analítica necessária à compreensão e conceção histórica dos motivos pelos quais o estado de uma nação como simpatizante gay se tornou desejável à partida. Como a Modernidade, o homonacionalismo pode ser objeto de resistência e de resignificação, mas não pode ser excluído: todos somos condicionados por ele e através dele. O artigo encontra-se estruturado em três secções. Começo por apresentar uma panorâmica do projeto Terrorist Assemblages, prestando atenção, em particular, à utilização do termo "homonacionalismo". Em segundo lugar, discuto o homonacionalismo no contexto da Palestina/Israel, com o objetivo de demonstrar a relevância dos discursos sobre direitos sexuais e da narrativa de "lavagem cor-de-rosa" para a ocupação. Termino com uma reflexão acerca do potencial inerente ao pensamento da sexualidade, não como uma identidade, mas como mosaicos de sensações, afetos e forças. Esta viralidade da sexualidade destabiliza produtivamente as noções humanistas dos sujeitos da sexualidade, assim como a organização política que procura resistir aos discursos jurídicos instituídos com o objetivo de nomear e controlar estes sujeitos de sexualidade. ; In this article I aim to contextualise the rise of gay and lesbian movements within the purview of debates about rights discourses and the rights-based subject, arguably the most potent aphrodisiac of liberalism. I examine how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the articulation of proper citizens across registers like gender, class, and race, both nationally and transnationally. The essay clarifies homonationalism as an analytic category necessary for understanding and historicising why a nation's status as "gay-friendly" has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be resisted and resignified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it. The article proceeds in three sections. I begin with an overview of the project of Terrorist Assemblages, with specific attention to the circulation of the term 'homonationalism'. Second, I will elaborate on homonationalism in the context of Palestine/Israel to demonstrate the relevance of sexual rights discourses and the narrative of 'pinkwashing' to the occupation. I will conclude with some rumination about the potential of thinking sexuality not as an identity, but as assemblages of sensations, affects, and forces. This virality of sexuality productively destabilises humanist notions of the subjects of sexuality but also the political organising seeking to resist legal discourses that attempt to name and control these subjects of sexuality.
Neste artigo irei contextualizar o aumento do número de movimentos de gays e lésbicas no âmbito dos debates sobre os discursos dos direitos e da temática dos direitos, que é seguramente o mais forte afrodisíaco do liberalismo. Analiso o modo como a sexualidade se tornou parte de uma formação essencial na articulação de cidadãos plenos através dos vários registos, como género, classe e etnia, quer nacional, quer transnacionalmente. Este estudo posiciona claramente o homonacionalismo como categoria analítica necessária à compreensão e conceção histórica dos motivos pelos quais o estado de uma nação como simpatizante gay se tornou desejável à partida. Como a Modernidade, o homonacionalismo pode ser objeto de resistência e de resignificação, mas não pode ser excluído: todos somos condicionados por ele e através dele. O artigo encontra-se estruturado em três secções. Começo por apresentar uma panorâmica do projeto Terrorist Assemblages, prestando atenção, em particular, à utilização do termo "homonacionalismo". Em segundo lugar, discuto o homonacionalismo no contexto da Palestina/Israel, com o objetivo de demonstrar a relevância dos discursos sobre direitos sexuais e da narrativa de "lavagem cor-de-rosa" para a ocupação. Termino com uma reflexão acerca do potencial inerente ao pensamento da sexualidade, não como uma identidade, mas como mosaicos de sensações, afetos e forças. Esta viralidade da sexualidade destabiliza produtivamente as noções humanistas dos sujeitos da sexualidade, assim como a organização política que procura resistir aos discursos jurídicos instituídos com o objetivo de nomear e controlar estes sujeitos de sexualidade. ; In this article I aim to contextualise the rise of gay and lesbian movements within the purview of debates about rights discourses and the rights-based subject, arguably the most potent aphrodisiac of liberalism. I examine how sexuality has become a crucial formation in the articulation of proper citizens across registers like gender, class, and race, both nationally and transnationally. The essay clarifies homonationalism as an analytic category necessary for understanding and historicising why a nation's status as "gay-friendly" has become desirable in the first place. Like modernity, homonationalism can be resisted and resignified, but not opted out of: we are all conditioned by it and through it. The article proceeds in three sections. I begin with an overview of the project of Terrorist Assemblages, with specific attention to the circulation of the term 'homonationalism'. Second, I will elaborate on homonationalism in the context of Palestine/Israel to demonstrate the relevance of sexual rights discourses and the narrative of 'pinkwashing' to the occupation. I will conclude with some rumination about the potential of thinking sexuality not as an identity, but as assemblages of sensations, affects, and forces. This virality of sexuality productively destabilises humanist notions of the subjects of sexuality but also the political organising seeking to resist legal discourses that attempt to name and control these subjects of sexuality.
Abstract This section includes eighty-six short original essays commissioned for the inaugural issue of TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly. Written by emerging academics, community-based writers, and senior scholars, each essay in this special issue, "Postposttranssexual: Key Concepts for a Twenty-First-Century Transgender Studies," revolves around a particular keyword or concept. Some contributions focus on a concept central to transgender studies; others describe a term of art from another discipline or interdisciplinary area and show how it might relate to transgender studies. While far from providing a complete picture of the field, these keywords begin to elucidate a conceptual vocabulary for transgender studies. Some of the submissions offer a deep and resilient resistance to the entire project of mapping the field terminologically; some reveal yet-unrealized critical potentials for the field; some take existing terms from canonical thinkers and develop the significance for transgender studies; some offer overviews of well-known methodologies and demonstrate their applicability within transgender studies; some suggest how transgender issues play out in various fields; and some map the productive tensions between trans studies and other interdisciplines.
This essay examines the potential for using affective connectivities to rethink neoliberal stratification. Because discourses surrounding queer suicide reproduce problematic assumptions not only about race, class, and gender but also about bodily health, debility, and capacity, I link Dan Savage's "It Gets Better" project and related discussions about the recent spate of queer suicides to broader social justice issues about disability as well as theoretical concerns in animal studies and posthumanist studies.
An examination of the contradictory & shifting nature of second-generation Sikh women's identities in England. It is suggested that uniform perceptions of Sikh women's experiences as racialized "others" do not make adequate considerations for the intersections of race, class, gender, sexuality, cultural politics, appearance, & practice. Analysis of ethnographic evidence of how these women encounter, interpret, & understand prevailing cultural constructions of race & gender that they shift their own identities & cultural practices to maintain a sense of both traditional identity & resistance to racial hierarchies. It is suggested that South Asian women negotiate the interplay between subject/object relations through an oppositionally active whiteness; showing an appearance of conformity while simultaneously maintaining a subalternate identity through the subversion of dominant white perceptions. 22 References. D. Karjanen
An autobiographical, self-reflective, experiential narrative on the notions of home, diaspora, & travel through the eyes of a South Asian female immigrant. The conventional construction of home is written through the act of leaving home; but, it is questioned, what happens when home is not a fixed or safe place, & movement is about displacement? Through travel, the author's Outsider & Other status were sanctioned & made more acceptable & livable by relinquishing the notion of home. Spurned by whites in the US & GB, the author was also viewed as an Outsider in India. It is questioned whether travel allowed the author to free herself, or merely to imprison herself. M. Greenberg