1. The European Union humanitarian aid policy -- 2. Cooperation and delegation in the international context -- 3. Intervention strategies in crisis contexts -- 4. Data, measurement and method -- 5. Intervening in humanitarian crisis contexts : the choice between unilateralism, partial and total delegation.
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Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Issues in Humanitarian Aid -- Humanitarian Aid Allocation and the European Union -- Empirical Examples -- Research Plan -- 1 The European Union Humanitarian Aid Policy -- Introduction -- History -- Power Resources and Decision-making Procedure -- Recent Developments -- Conclusion -- 2 Cooperation and Delegation in the International Context -- Introduction -- Definition of Cooperation -- Interdependence, Cooperation and Institution -- Institutional Cooperation: Delegation and Loss of Autonomy
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Over the last few decades international organisations, national governments, and governmental and private actors have all multiplied their efforts to limit the extent to which natural catastrophes, man-made atrocities and political and economic breakdowns affect civil populations. The European Union and Humanitarian Crises: Patterns of Intervention addresses the allocation of foreign aid within the framework of the European Union's Humanitarian Aid policy and analyses different Member States' intervention strategies designed to cope with these emergencies. Joining the debate about bilateral and multilateral allocation of foreign aid in crisis situations and exploring the cooperative actions undertaken by the European Union and its Member States to cope with them the book questions how the context of the crises themselves impacts on strategies of intervention and investigates how strategies change depending on the characteristics of the crisis.--
AbstractThis article investigates the political and legal dimension of Italian policy management of migratory crises affecting the European Union and member states. It pays particular attention to the tightening of migrant reception measures from 2016 until 2019. In this dynamic, it argues that the 132/18 governmental legislation "Decree‐Law on Immigration and Security" of 2018 (and the Decree‐Law bis of 2019) represents a breakthrough. The article reveals the shift of solidarity crime from a political to a legal dimension. The unprecedented movement of migrants and refugees into the EU has led to widespread claims for a EU common migratory policy based on international cooperation and equitable sharing of responsibilities. As a frontline member state, Dublin III prescribes to Italy responsibilities in rescue, first safe of migrants, and refugee status determination. Italy's migration policy thus conflicts with its prior international legal commitments, and, for this reason, its concrete applicability is highly debated.
This article investigates the European Union Humanitarian Aid Policy's (EUHAP's) institutional shape. A theoretical approach referring to the literature on sovereignty is adopted, hypothesizing that the EUHAP has ideal institutional settings to cope with European Union (EU) integration and Member States' concerns about the maintenance of sovereignty. Challenging the formalist approach assuming sovereignty as an organized hypocrisy whereof states are the incontrovertible promoters, the article shows how EUHAP's implementation, rather than negotiation, indicates evidence of arguable sovereign control by Member States over the EU's activity. The enhancing of EU's competences within EUHAP's implementation, sometimes going beyond what has been agreed with Member States within negotiations, signals the inability of EUHAP's sui generis institutional setting to combine the advantages of supranational cooperation with an absence of risk for Member States' sovereignty. EUHAP's institutional uniqueness must depend on reasons associated with the satisfaction of humanitarian aid priorities rather than on the EU's internal logics.
This article investigates the relationship between political revolutions and the evolution of politics. It discusses the circularity within the concept of revolution through Jacques Derrida's theory of sovereignty as particularly per Rogues – Two Essays on Reason and The Beast and the Sovereign. Derrida's notions of wheel and ipseity display ontological prerogatives and evolutionary limits of political revolutions possibly coinciding with reversals hard to turn into linear evolutions, excluding rather than reaffirming circularity. Political revolutions show such incapacity to become evolutionary for politics when lacking ontological substance and resting upon formal contingencies such as new techniques. An 'alturnative' notion of sovereignty is proposed as a heuristic criterion to gauge political events' 'revolutionary' quality. This undermines the (r)evolutionary nature of political turns, like those associated with the contemporary digitalisation of politics. The Italian Five Stars Movement's parable is a case in point of digital political turns whose effect is non-evolutionary for politics.