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PurposeThis paper aims to analyse how democratic institutions affects social spending formations in the context of developing countries. Furthermore, this essay will also challenge the theory that the government system (majoritarian versus consensus democracy) influences the magnitude of social spending and welfare commitment, especially in Southeast Asian democracies, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines.Design/methodology/approachThis research uses descriptive statistics and qualitative data to match social spending with the development of democratisation in four cases.FindingsThe main argument is whether the presence of democratic institutions encourages the government to be more open, citizen-oriented and responsive or whether the inclusive political conditions will create more open public participation in the policymaking process. Thus, in the context of developing countries, public participation will be more likely to demand social policies.Research limitations/implicationsIt has not been able to undertake a more detailed impact evaluation assessment of the development and change of democratic institutions towards policy outcomes within a shorter temporal scope. In addition, this thesis does not also provide details or explanations about the interaction process between particular democratic institutions and specific social policy sectors.Practical implicationsThe process of interactions between particular electoral systems. For instance, the contribution to the emergence of policy in the health services sector or conducting research in normative democratic institutions such as public awareness of the importance of public participation in shaping and directing the implementation of poverty reduction policies could be studied, by using the historical institutionalism approach.Originality/valueThe impact of certain political institutions on public policy has become a very important discussion in the new institutionalism perspective. Social policy (social spending) as a manifestation of government's commitment towards welfare is the result of institutional arrangement. In the context of developing countries, where social policy is needed to fulfill the basic needs of citizens, it is important to identify what kind of institutional formations are conducive to the development of social policy. This essay will analyse how democratic institutions affects social spending formations in the context of developing countries.

AbstractThis research investigates the impact of democracy on inclusive development and mainly addresses the question "Does democracy matter in the delivery of larger and more effective social policies that improve inclusive development?" The four cases selected to empirically analyze the relationship among three variables (democracy, social policy, and inclusive development) were Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. The three main variables were modeled and analyzed by partial least squares–structural equation modeling technique. The finding revealed that social policy was one of the potential variables linking democracy and inclusive development, especially when the development of democratic institution runs stably.

The use of information technology cannot be escaped from everyday life in society. In the context of improving the public sector, the government is required to improve performance, responsibility, and public trust and focus more on providing better services by revitalizing public administration by increasing transparency and prioritizing service quality. The Bureau of Personnel uses the "SIMPEG" application in the form of digitizing the public sector which is considered an extraordinary opportunity to create public value. This research is focused on the approach of the SIMPEG pre and post-mobile SSO. The method adopted by this study was mixed methods. The implementation of SIMPEG mobile SSO at the Ministry of Home Affairs has fulfilled the three aspects of the public values stated by Moore, namely legitimacy and support, operational capabilities, and public value. However, based on the findings within the field, some things are still not appropriate. For example, there is still the use of paper-based administration, so that the mobile SSO service has not been optimized. Based on the dimensions of system quality, information quality, and service quality, SIMPEG based on web-based are categorized as quite sustainable, whereas after using SIMPEG mobile SSO application was classified as very sustainable. When viewed from the results of stress and RSQ values, it can be said that the results of the MDS in this study describe a good model and can represent the problems being discussed and conclude that only SIMPEG mobile SSO application is recommended for sustainability.

AbstractRegardless of their prevalence and considerable expansion since the 1980s, evidence concerning the impact of welfare conditionality and marketisation in active labour market policies (ALMPs) has been inconclusive and mostly limited to developed and transition economies. Using mixed methods for collecting and analysing data, this study investigates the deployment of these two policy instruments in the latest addition to the stock of ALMPs: the Kartu Prakerja Program of Indonesia. Our findings indicate positive effects derived from such incorporation of the two instruments in this new program. Specifically, we observed a high level of jobseekers' engagement and employment outcomes. The program also shaped the development of a provider market that is of higher standard of professionalism. It, however, is not exempt from problems that seem to be of perennial nature in other welfare‐to‐work programs, pointing to the need for greater service tailoring and provider engagement. Impressively, the program represents an example of a genuine policy learning in both policy formulation and re‐formulation during the time of crisis, given that it has been run successfully, along with various adaptions quickly made in response to changing circumstances.Points for practitioners
Welfare conditionality and marketisation in the delivery of publicly funded employment services have been two key features of many welfare regimes. However, evidence concerning their impact is still inconclusive and especially lacking in a developing country context.
There exist similarities in the impacts of these two policy instruments across country contexts. Notably, national factors such as economy informality and culture are critical to interpret and understand their impacts.
Coupled with genuine policy learning in both policy formulation and re‐formulation, successful innovations during a time of crisis are possible.

The literature regarding the correlation of central government spending on performance accountability and the benefits of BSC implementation on the government's performance reporting practices are rarely discussed, especially in developing countries. Consequently, this paper aims to examine the effects of expenditure budget and BSC implementation on the Indonesian central government's performance accountability. This research employs panel data analysis using secondary data from the central government's assessment. The findings confirm that central government expenditure and BSC implementation significantly and positively affect performance accountability. Specifically, ministries/agencies working in financial services have higher performance accountability than ministries/agencies in politics, laws, and security affairs. Additionally, the results show that the better the education level of employees, the better performance accountability. By determining the factors that positively influence performance accountability, the central government can formulate specific policies to improve its performance.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.

While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.