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ABSTRACTThis article looks at the rise of right populist politics in both developed and developing countries, and its implications for social policy. The author locates the cause for the right populist surge in the legacies of neoliberalism, paying particular attention to the way neoliberal reforms have affected popular attitudes towards politics. The commodification of politics and social services has stoked mass cynicism towards reigning neoliberal elites, creating receptive audiences for populist slogans to 'drain the swamp' at the heart of governments. More controversially, the author argues that popular resentments toward neoliberal social policies based on the recognition of the rights of women, minorities, migrants and the poor have made communities susceptible to the racist and misogynist messages of the right populists. Through case studies looking at the United States, Brazil and the Philippines the author argues that the biggest impact of right populists on social policies can be found in their discourses and authoritarian practices of social exclusion.

This article looks at the rise of right populist politics in both developed and developing countries, and its implications for social policy. The author locates the cause for the right populist surge in the legacies of neoliberalism, paying particular attention to the way neoliberal reforms have affected popular attitudes towards politics. The commodification of politics and social services has stoked mass cynicism towards reigning neoliberal elites, creating receptive audiences for populist slogans to 'drain the swamp' at the heart of governments. More controversially, the author argues that popular resentments toward neoliberal social policies based on the recognition of the rights of women, minorities, migrants and the poor have made communities susceptible to the racist and misogynist messages of the right populists. Through case studies looking at the United States, Brazil and the Philippines the author argues that the biggest impact of right populists on social policies can be found in their discourses and authoritarian practices of social exclusion.

Despite the success of the Communist Party of the Philippines in winning rural support, its work has consistently been characterized by an instrumentalist approach to the peasantry. The article begins with an examination of the foundations of the party's attitude towards the peasantry and its roots in Marxist-Leninist theory and practice It goes to consider evidence of the party's instrumental approach in practice, examining the impact on legal peasant organizations and the experience of socio-economic projects in the countryside. Attention next turns to an analysis of the party's attitude towards "united front work" and its impact on coalition-building among the peasantry. Finally, the author considers the implications of the current split and debates in the ranks of the CPP for the peasantry and for the future of radical politics in the country.

Patterns of globalization and liberalization need to be examined in light of their political consequences, especially in the context of situations of state collapse and violent conflict. Champions of globalization can be divided into two camps – the advocates of economic liberalization and the promoters of global governance. They share a common skepticism of the state, which ignores both the developmental lessons of history and the perverse impact liberalization has had on peace and security. While liberalization has transformed the terrain of politics, privileging a form of semi-democracy, problems of violent conflict highlight the urgent need for the reconstitution of modern states in the developing world.

AbstractThis article examines the response of the international community to the HIV/AIDS crisis, focusing on efforts to promote a 'multisectoral' approach to fighting the epidemic. It critically assesses the evolution of an 'organizational template', which requires developing country governments to establish stand‐alone National AIDS Commissions in order to receive funding for HIV/AIDS programmes. While the World Bank, based on interpretations generated by the United Nations Joint Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and bilateral donors, claims that the model is derived from successful experience, an examination of evidence particularly from Uganda, Senegal and Malawi, suggests that National Commissions have not worked well and may, in fact, have contributed to weakening health sectors attempting to cope with the crisis. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article examines the political dimensions of Uganda's progress in bringing a generalised HIV/AIDS epidemic under control. The article documents the history of the political processes involved in Uganda's battle against HIV/AIDS and analyses the complexities of presidential action and the relation between action at the level of the state and that taken within societal organisations. (InWent/DÜI)

This article examines the response of the international community to the HIV/AIDS crisis, focusing on efforts to promote a 'multisectoral' approach to fighting the epidemic. It critically assesses the evolution of an 'organizational template', which requires developing country governments to establish stand-alone National AIDS Commissions in order to receive funding for HIV/AIDS programmes. While the World Bank, based on interpretations generated by the United Nations Joint Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and bilateral donors, claims that the model is derived from successful experience, an examination of evidence particularly from Uganda, Senegal and Malawi, suggests that National Commissions have not worked well and may, in fact, have contributed to weakening health sectors attempting to cope with the crisis. (InWent/DÜI)

AbstractThis article examines the political dimensions of Uganda's progress in bringing a generalised HIV/AIDS epidemic under control. The article documents the history of the political processes involved in Uganda's battle against HIV/AIDS and analyses the complexities of presidential action and the relation between action at the level of the state and that taken within societal organisations. By the mid‐1980s, Uganda was experiencing a full‐blown epidemic, the virulence of which was connected with social dislocation and insecurity related to economic crisis and war. Political authorities faced the same challenge as other regimes experiencing the onslaught of AIDS in Africa. The epidemiological characteristics of HIV and AIDS—transmission through heterosexual activities, with a long gestation period, affecting people in the prime of their productive life—meant that action required wide‐reaching changes in sexual behaviour, and the educational activities to achieve this, as well as relatively complex systems to monitor the virus and control medical practices (blood supplies, injection practices, mitigating drug delivery). The centralist character of the Museveni regime was crucial not only to mobilising state organisations and foreign aid resources, but also to ensuring significant involvement from non‐state associations and religious authorities. The Ugandan experience demonstrates that there is a tension between the requirements for systematic action that a strong public authority can deliver and the need to disseminate information requiring a degree of democratic openness. The President was able to forge a coalition behind an HIV/AIDS campaign in part because the virus largely ignored the privileges of wealth and political power. With the development of antiretroviral therapy and the access that the wealthy can gain to these drugs, this basis for the broadest possible coalition to fight HIV/AIDS may be weakened in the future. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.