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"This book is a study of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) and electoral politics in Taiwan during 2000–2012. It consists of two parts: the first part proposes a movement government framework to understand the fluctuating popular support for the DPP government during 2000–2008 when it was in power, and the second part includes a series of studies on the DPP's quick but limited revival during 2008–2012 when it was out of power. For the DPP in and out of power, its strategic relations with the TIM have either promoted or constrained popular support for the DPP under different circumstances. This book reviews the history of the TIM since 1945, its relations with the DPP since 1986, the DPP's strategies in dealing with the TIM, and explains how these strategies have significantly affected the size and composition of the DPP's support base since 2000 by analyzing rich survey data collected during 1996–2013. Theoretically, this book challenges the traditional dichotomous and overly structuralist understanding of state-movement relations; empirically, it provides both qualitative and quantitative analysis of Taiwan's major political and social events since 2000, such as presidential and legislative elections, and rise of Taiwanese nationalism."--

Declining Taiwanese nationalism, rising independent voters and more realistic public perception of democracy had contributed to the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) electoral debacle in 2018. The structural dilemma of the DPP administration as a movement government significantly contributed to its rapidly declining public support. The DPP administration had to keep a delicate balance by compromising on its promises to various social movement and progressive forces after it took power, which consequently alienated many of its supporters.

China's 19th Party Congress has made significant changes to its Taiwan policy, from promoting reunification through political negotiations to opposing independence with the strongest determination and via all necessary means. While China's Taiwan policy in the economic and social fields may be proactive and has achieved significant progress, it has been frustrated in the political field by external and internal factors, such as Taiwan's rejection of China's proposal for reunification, US' obstruction and China's unfavourable internal situation.

Political confrontation and social economic integration co-existed between mainland China and Taiwan in 2017. While Taipei continued to consolidate Taiwan's de facto independence through desinicisation in various fields, Beijing gradually exerted pressure in the political, international, jurisdictional and military fields on Taipei. The Chinese central and local governments have also improved policies to attract more Taiwanese capital and people and cultivate a sense of belonging among Taiwanese in mainland China.

A think tank development fever promoted by the Chinese government has proliferated in China since late 2012. This study reviews Xi Jinping's promotion of think tanks, discusses the different definitions and unique characteristics of Chinese think tanks, and then compares China's think tank system with America's in order to understand their key differences. The analysis shows that four sectors, namely the government, businesses, universities and media, have played different roles in developing think tanks in recent years. Also discussed are the limiting effects of China's government-driven top-down mobilisation on think tank development. (CIJ/GIGA)

Taiwanese President Tsai adopted a least provocative China policy. Negatively impacted social groups in Taiwan organised large scale protests against Tsai administration's reforms. The main opposition party Kuomintang has been beset by an unpopular pro-China leader, open internal conflicts, lack of financial sources and low popularity. The Chinese government has frozen all official connections with Taiwan at the central level and blocked Taiwan's participation in some international conferences. The Tsai-Trump phone conversation signals unstable Taiwan-China-US triangle relations in 2017.

Several explosions launched by discontented individuals in politically significant locations became the new manifestation of social instability in 2013. The Third Plenum's Decision announced a series of reforms for the Letters and Visits System and the termination of the Re-education through Labour System. The new Xi Jinping-Li Keqiang leadership will continue with the dual strategies of repression and liberation to maintain social stability in its tenure.

AbstractTaking a broader perspective to explore the relations between Taiwan's globalization, social justice issues and the DPP's political and economic nationalism, this study aims to understand the DPP's resurgence in local elections since 2008, and its defeat in the 2012 presidential election. Increasing capital flight from Taiwan to mainland China has contributed to Taiwan's rising unemployment and income inequality. Less privileged Taiwanese, having stronger nationalist sentiments and concerns about the Taiwanese government's open-door China policy, switched their support from the KMT to the DPP during the DPP administration of 2000–2008. Since 2008, the DPP's better balance between its political and economic nationalism has been instrumental in securing popular support, especially at the local level. Nevertheless, in the 2012 presidential election, the DPP failed to convince the majority of Taiwanese voters that its moderate political nationalism could maintain the significantly improved cross-Strait relations vital for Taiwan's economic revival under the current bleak world economic conditions.

Democratisation and highly competitive electoral politics in the past two decades have driven Taiwan's social welfare system to expand rapidly. Its universal national health insurance scheme is the most favoured social policy in Taiwan and the occupation-based pension programmes generally provide high income replacement rates. The expanded social welfare system has also generated an increasingly positive redistributive effect on income equality in Taiwan. However, financial sustainability is its largest challenge.

Taking a broader perspective to explore the relations between Taiwan's globalization, social justice issues and the DPP's political and economic nationalism, this study aims to understand the DPP's resurgence in local elections since 2008, and its defeat in the 2012 presidential election. Increasing capital flight from Taiwan to mainland China has contributed to Taiwan's rising unemployment and income inequality. Less privileged Taiwanese, having stronger nationalist sentiments and concerns about the Taiwanese government's open-door China policy, switched their support from the KMT to the DPP during the DPP administration of 2000-2008. Since 2008, the DPP's better balance between its political and economic nationalism has been instrumental in securing popular support, especially at the local level. Nevertheless, in the 2012 presidential election, the DPP failed to convince the majority of Taiwanese voters that its moderate political nationalism could maintain the significantly improved cross-Strait relations vital for Taiwan's economic revival under the current bleak world economic conditions. (China Q/GIGA)