AbstractThe failure of the USD 100-billion climate finance pledge under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) could be attributed to a series of reasons: the inconsistent rules, the ambiguity of accountability issues, the political and economic motivations of donor countries, the weak governance capability of developing countries, etc. In addition to the predicament of climate finance commitments made by industrialized nations, South-South cooperation is becoming an important supplemental approach and is acknowledged by the Paris Agreement as an essential means of support. Through studying a broad set of literature on climate finance governance, the study aims to provide a clear picture of the current muddle in climate finance and China's new role in the architecture. We do this by first looking into the disjointed system of reporting and accounting standards for climate finance as well as what causes the international climate finance gap. On the one hand, the self-interests and geopolitical concerns of donor countries led to considerable challenges to distributive justice in climate finance allocation. On the other hand, climate finance from rich countries has yet to make a substantial dent in enhancing developing countries' resilience to climate change. Finally, we argue that China-led climate-related development assistance and South-South cooperation on climate change has a tremendous potential for vulnerable countries to realize their climate action priorities and address the climate injustice.
This paper examines how the different characteristics of both electric vehicles themselves and the consumers would influence the consumption behavior on electric vehicles. Data collection is based on the questionnaire design using the orthogonal experimental method and large-scale stated preference survey covering more than 2000 households in 10 central districts of Shanghai. Three types of electric vehicles, i.e. fast charging, battery swapping and slowing charging are investigated according to a set of factors, such as acquisition costs, operation and maintenance costs, charging time and convenience, mileage, preferential policies and so on. We analyze the data with the nested-logit model. Our results suggest that the mode of battery swapping with slowing charging enjoys a relatively higher proportion in Shanghai, though there is no absolutely dominating type. By group classification analysis, the male, the young, the well-educated and the well-paid groups share relatively low proportion of selecting electric vehicles. Furthermore, consumers pay more attention to daily variable usage cost and charging time instead of acquisition costs. All these suggest the necessity for the government to adjust the current supporting policy in order to cultivate the electric vehicle market effectively.
Globally, policy environments have become increasingly more complex with the growth in the number of wicked problems, such as that posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. In their response to these problems, public administrations have, from necessity, become heavily reliant on their intergovernmental relations systems, as the challenges posed generally require multilevel responses. This paper analyzes the role of intergovernmental relations in shaping the responses of the BRICS countries when confronted with COVID-19. We develop an analytical framework to understand the dynamics of intergovernmental relations in these countries. Based on this we assess the capacity of the state and political systems to manage intergovernmental relations and ensure effective responses to the COVID-19 crisis. This framework is based on an analysis of three dimensions of the policy domain: the political and state system, formal and informal institutions, and the political alignment between them. Whilst state and political systems were found to be instrumental in formulating an immediate response to the crisis, informal institutions and political processes also played a prominent role in determining the extent to which strategies were implemented, particularly in countries that are more decentralized. Countries lacking the robust formal institutions needed to facilitate intergovernmental relations and to ensure swift policy responses, tend to deliver ineffective and inefficient results when confronted with wicked problems. ; Las políticas públicas para resolver problemas perversos (wicked problems), como la crisis de COVID-19, se han visto obstaculizadas por la complejidad de los entornos institucionales en los que ocurren. Estos problemas también requieren cada vez más una coordinación multinivel, lo que hace que las relaciones intergubernamentales jueguen un papel fundamental. Este artículo analiza ese papel en la respuesta de los países BRICS (Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica) a la crisis de la COVID-19. Se desarrolló un marco analítico para comprender la dinámica de estas relaciones intergubernamentales, que se utilizó para evaluar la capacidad del estado y de los sistemas políticos para brindar respuestas efectivas a la COVID-19. El marco se basa en tres dimensiones: el sistema político y estatal, las instituciones formales e informales y la alineación política entre los niveles de gobierno y la administración pública. A pesar de la importancia de los sistemas políticos y estatal, las instituciones informales y los procesos políticos fueron fundamentales para definir e implementar estrategias para combatir la COVID-19, especialmente en los países más descentralizados. Los países sin instituciones formales sólidas para facilitar las relaciones intergubernamentales tienden a ofrecer resultados ineficientes e ineficaces en términos de políticas públicas para abordar problemas perversos. ; Políticas públicas para solução de problemas perversos (wicked problems), como a crise da COVID-19, têm sido dificultadas devido à complexidade dos ambientes institucionais em que elas acontecem. Esses problemas também requerem cada vez mais coordenação multinível, dando um papel fundamental às relações intergovernamentais. Este artigo analisa esse papel na resposta dos países do BRICS (Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul) à crise da COVID-19. Foi desenvolvido um arcabouço analítico para entender a dinâmica dessas relações intergovernamentais, que foi usado para avaliar a capacidade do estado e dos sistemas políticos para dar respostas efetivas à COVID-19. O arcabouço é baseado em três dimensões: o sistema político e do estado, as instituições formais e informais, e o alinhamento político entre os níveis de governo e a administração pública. Apesar da importância dos sistemas políticos e de estado, as instituições informais e os processos políticos foram instrumentais para definir e implementar as estratégias de combate à COVID-19, principalmente nos países mais decentralizados. Países sem instituições formais robustas para facilitar as relações intergovernamentais tendem a oferecer resultados ineficientes e não-efetivos em termos de políticas públicas para atacar problemas perversos.
