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Der Artikel beschreibt, wie sich das Verhältnis von ziviler politischer Führung und Militär in den letzten Jahrzehnten geändert hat.

When the baht plunged to unprecedented depths, dragging with it the Southeast Asian miracle, it signalled not only the end of a decade of prosperity but also the beginning of an era of insecurity. The crisis has forced governments in the region to postpone crucial defense and infrastructure projects and limited their capacities to deliver basic social services. It has also led to political instability and strained diplomatic relationships in some countries, and caused tension in the region. Currency devaluation and bigger oil bills are pushing states to searchfor alternative fuel sources, including China, which has become more aggressive in asserting its claims to disputed territories believed to be rich sources of oil. The growing presence of the Chinese military in the region despite the region-wide recession will also be the object of security concerns for years to come. In order to find solutions to the financial crisis and its effects on regional security, Southeast Asian countries are urged to seek economic and political cooperation through the Asian Regional Forum (ARF) and the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (CSCAP) and perhaps survive the crisis without growing too insecure.

The Philippines' foreign policy is anchored on three pillars: the protection of territorial integrity and sovereignty; economic development; and the protection of overseas Filipinos. Since these tenets were first enunciated by the Ramos administration (1992–98), they have remained constant despite perceptions that subsequent presidents have gravitated towards a closer partnership with the United States or China. Alternatively, it has been said that Manila partners with a particular foreign power to advance a particular pillar, thus creating a de facto division of roles: the United States is an ally that protects the Philippines' territorial integrity and sovereignty, while China is a partner that advances economic development. However, the notion of a division of responsibilities is somewhat superficial. In reality, the Philippines' relations with both the United States and China contribute to all three pillars.(Contemp Southeast Asia / GIGA)

The issue of nuclear proliferation involves both states and non-state actors. This essay, however, goes beyond examining the issue in relation to states, their motivations for producing or acquiring these weapons, how possession of nuclear weapons impact on the relations of certain states, and other related issues. Instead, it focuses on another aspect of nuclear proliferation: the possibility of non-state actors, specifically terrorists, having access to fissile materials and related technology. It argues that the risk of non-state actors having access to nuclear material and technology increases as the demand for nuclear energy as a viable alternative source of energy by states intensifies. This problem is compounded by the presence of black markets, where nuclear materials and technology are clandestinely sold and bought.
Institutional infrastructures for addressing nuclear proliferation exist at the global level. Closer coordination among these bodies is needed. In the context of the Asia-Pacific, the development of a regional regime for countering proliferation is essential, with a regional export controls regime serving as the fundamental step. Such a regime would make it difficult for non-state actors to have access to fissile materials and technology.

The relationship between civilian political leadership and the military has changed in character from the Marcos dictatorship to the Macapagal-Arroyo presidency. The military, ideally a professional and depoliticized institution, found itself in conflicting roles in governance. President Ferdinand Marcos used the military to pursue personal interests. After the first EDSA revolt, the principle of civilian superiority was restored but sections in the AFP responded with a series a coup d'etats against the I govemment of President Corazon Aquino. President Fidel Ramos, a former general, found difficulty in limiting the role of the military in government and appointed retired officers in key positions. His government eventually emphasized the role of the armed forces in national development and pushed for the modernization of the AFP, a program sidelined by the previous administration. President Joseph Estrada was more supportive of the military campaign in Mindanao but eventually lost the, support of the AFP in EDSA II. So far the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo appears to have a better understanding of the military.The president, a consistent visitor of the military camps, increased the benefits of military personnel and appointed the outgoing AFP Chief of Staff, General Angelo Reyes, as Secretary of National Defense. When pro-Estrada supporters clamored, for the latter's return in the so-called EDSA III, the military stood by President Macapagal-Arroyo Civilian political leadership played a great role in shaping the mindset of and their relationship with military officers. They must be knowledgeable and sensitive to the military culture and psyche. The ability to govern effectively and cultivate the culture within the armed forces that subscribes to civilian authority is necessary for harmonious civil-military relations, particularly for democratic societies like the Philippines.

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