Suchergebnisse

During the 2001 anthrax attacks, public health agencies faced operational and communication decisions about the use of antibiotic prophylaxis and the anthrax vaccine with affected groups, including postal workers. This communication occurred within an evolving situation with incomplete and uncertain data. Guidelines for prophylactic antibiotics changed several times, contributing to confusion and mistrust. At the end of 60 days of taking antibiotics, people were offered an additional 40 days' supply of antibiotics, with or without the anthrax vaccine, the former constituting an investigational new drug protocol. Using data from interviews and focus groups with 65 postal workers in 3 sites and structured interviews with 16 public health professionals, this article examines the challenges for public health professionals who were responsible for communication with postal workers about the vaccine. Multiple factors affected the response, including a lack of trust, risk perception, disagreement about the recommendation, and the controversy over the military's use of the vaccine. Some postal workers reacted with suspicion to the vaccine offer, believing that they were the subjects of research, and some African American workers specifically drew an analogy to the Tuskegee syphilis study. The consent forms required for the protocol heightened mistrust. Postal workers also had complex and ambivalent responses to additional research on their health. The anthrax attacks present us with an opportunity to understand the challenges of communication in the context of uncertain science and suggest key strategies that may improve communications about vaccines and other drugs authorized for experimental use in future public health emergencies.

Today, the United States and countries throughout the world are experiencing measles outbreaks that have sickened thousands of children. From the Disneyland outbreak in 2014 to today, some states have responded with changes in laws on vaccine requirements and exemptions. In this article, we examine the history of vaccine laws, and using our 2015 survey data, explore to what extent the news coverage of the Disneyland outbreak altered parents' attitudes toward required vaccination and non-medical exemptions. We explore those results in the context of today's increasing polarized and politicalized battle over vaccine laws, and consider how health care providers and policy makers can work to improve public attitudes about vaccines.

Vaccine confidence depends on trust in vaccines as products and trust in the system that produces them. In the US, this system consists of a complex network connecting pharmaceutical companies, government agencies, and the healthcare system. We explore narratives from White and African American adults describing their trust in these institutions, with a focus on influenza vaccine. Our data were collected between 2012 and 2014 as part of a mixed-methods investigation of racial disparities in influenza immunization. We interviewed 119 adults, primarily in Maryland and Washington, DC, in three stages utilizing semi-structured interviews (12), focus groups (9, n=91), and in-depth interviews (16). Analysis was guided by grounded theory. Trust in institutions emerged as a significant theme, with marked differences by race. In 2018, we contextualized these findings within the growing scholarship on trust and vaccines. Most participants distrusted pharmaceutical companies, which were viewed to be motivated by profit. Trust in government varied. Whites described implicit trust of federal institutions but questioned their competency. African Americans were less trusting of the government and were more likely to doubt its motives. Trust in institutions may be fragile, and once damaged, may take considerable time and effort to repair.

Purpose: Explore acceptability of vaccines in development: cancer, Type II diabetes, Alzheimer's disease, Lyme disease, Ebola, and obesity. Research questions: To what extent does acceptability vary by vaccine type? To what extent does acceptability of vaccines in development vary by race and other key demographics? To what extent are general vaccine hesitancy and key demographics associated with acceptability of vaccines in development? Design: Cross-sectional online survey administered through GfK's KnowledgePanel in 2015. Analysis completed in 2020. Subjects: Nationally representative sample of Black and White American adults (n = 1,643). Measures: Willingness to accept a novel vaccine was measured on a 4-point Likert scale. Independent variables included demographics (e.g. age, race, gender) and measures of vaccine hesitancy, trust, and the "Three C's" of vaccine confidence, complacency, and convenience. Analysis: Exploratory analysis including descriptive statistics and regression modeling. Results: Acceptability varied from 77% for a cancer vaccine to 55% for an obesity vaccine. White race, male gender, older age, having a chronic health condition, and higher socioeconomic status were associated with higher acceptability. Higher vaccine confidence and lower vaccine hesitancy were predictors for acceptability. Conclusion: The success of a vaccine depends on widespread public acceptance. Vaccine hesitancy may hinder acceptance of future vaccines, with significant differences by demographics. Future social science research is necessary to better understand and address vaccine hesitancy.

Distrust of the government often stands in the way of cooperation with public health recommendations in a crisis. The purpose of this paper is to describe the public's trust in government recommendations during the early stages of the H1N1 pandemic and identify factors that might account for these trust levels. We surveyed 1543 respondents about their experiences and attitudes related to H1N1 influenza between June 3, 2009 and July 6, 2009, during the first wave of the pandemic using the Knowledge Networks (KN) online panel. This panel is representative of the US population, and uses a combination of random-digit dial and address-based probability sampling frames covering 99% of the US household population to recruit participants. To ensure participation of low-income individuals and those without Internet access, KN provides hardware and access to the Internet if needed. Measures included standard demographics, a trust scale, trust ratings for individual spokespersons, involvement with H1N1, experience with H1N1, and past discrimination in health care. We found that trust of government was low (2.3 out of 4) and varied across demographic groups. Blacks and Hispanics reported higher trust in government than did Whites. Of the spokespersons included, personal health professionals received the highest trust ratings and religious leaders the lowest. Attitudinal and experience variables predicted trust better than demographic characteristics. Closely following the news about the flu virus, having some self-reported knowledge about H1N1, self-reporting of local cases and previously experiencing discrimination were the significant attitudinal and experience predictors of trust. Using a second longitudinal survey, trust in the early stages of the pandemic did predict vaccine acceptance later but only for white, non-Hispanic individuals.

On April 26, 2009, the United States declared a public health emergency in response to a growing but uncertain threat from H1N1 influenza, or swine flu. In June, the World Health Organization declared a pandemic. In the U.S., hospitalizations due to swine flu numbered 6,506 on August 6, 2009, with 436 deaths; all 50 states have reported cases. The declaration of a public health emergency, followed by the approval of multiple Emergency Use Authorizations (EUAs) by the Food and Drug Administration, allowed the distribution of unapproved drugs or the off-label use of approved drugs to the public. Thus far, there are 2 antiviral medications available to the public as EUA drugs. It is possible that an H1N1 vaccine will be initially released as an EUA in the fall in the first large-scale use of the EUA mechanism. This study explores the public's willingness to use a drug or vaccine under the conditions stipulated in the FDA's nonbinding guidance regarding EUAs. Using Knowledge Networks' panel, we conducted an internet survey with 1,543 adults from a representative sample of the U.S. population with 2 oversamples of African Americans and Spanish-speaking Hispanics. Our completion rate was 62%. We examined willingness to accept an EUA drug or an H1N1 vaccine, the extent of worry associated with taking either, the conditions under which respondents would accept an EUA drug or vaccine, and the impact of language from the EUA fact sheets on people's willingness to accept a drug for themselves or their children. We also examined the association among these variables and race/ethnicity, education level, trust in government, previous vaccine acceptance, and perceived personal consequences from H1N1 influenza. These results provide critical insights into the challenges of communicating about EUA drugs and vaccine in our current pandemic.

Government health measures in a pandemic are effective only with strong support and compliance from the public. A survey of 1,583 US adults early in the 2009 H1N1 (swine influenza) pandemic shows surprisingly mixed support for possible government efforts to control the spread of the disease, with strong support for more extreme measures such as closing borders and weak support for more basic, and potentially more effective, policies such as encouraging sick people to stay home from work. The results highlight challenges that public health officials and policy makers must address in formulating strategies to respond to a pandemic before a more severe outbreak occurs.

AbstractSeasonal flu vaccination rates are low for U.S. adults, with significant disparities between African and white Americans. Risk perception is a significant predictor of vaccine behavior but the research on this construct has been flawed. This study addressed critical research questions to understand the differences between African and white Americans in the role of risk perception in flu vaccine behavior: (1) What is the dimensionality of risk perception and does it differ between the two races? (2) Were risk perceptions of white and African‐American populations different and how were sociodemographic characteristics related to risk for each group? (3) What is the relation between risk perception and flu vaccine behaviors for African Americans and whites? The sample, drawn from GfK's Knowledge Panel, consisted of 838 whites and 819 African Americans. The survey instrument was developed from qualitative research. Measures of risk perception included cognitive and emotional measures of disease risk and risk of side effects from the vaccine. The online survey was conducted in March 2015. Results showed the importance of risk perception in the vaccine decision‐making process for both racial groups. As expected, those who got the vaccine reported higher disease risk than those who did not. Separate cognitive and emotional factors did not materialize in this study but strong evidence was found to support the importance of considering disease risk as well as risk of the vaccine. There were significant racial differences in the way risk perception predicted behavior.

With the growing recognition of the critical role that risk communication plays in a public health emergency, a number of articles have provided prescriptive best practices to enhance such communication. However, little empirical research has examined perceptions of the quality of communication, the impact of uncertainty on changing communication, use of information sources, and trust in specific government spokespersons. Similarly, although there is significant conceptual focus on trust and communication as important in vaccination intent and acceptance, little research has explored these relationships empirically. We conducted an online survey in late January 2010 with a nationally representative sample (N=2,079) that included Hispanic and African American oversamples. The completion rate was 56%. We found that public health officials were the most trusted spokespersons, with President Obama being the most highly trusted elected official. Demographic variables, including race, accounted for 21% of the variance in trust of the president. Perceptions of the quality of communication were high, including significant understanding of uncertainty and appreciation for officials' openness about evolving information. Other factors that contributed to vaccination acceptance were quality of communication, closely following the news, and confidence in the vaccine because of a role model effect of the Obama daughters' immunizations; these factors significantly increased trust in government actions. Because the challenges of communication often vary over the course of a pandemic, there is a consistent need to pay close attention to both communication content and delivery and prepare public health officials at all levels to be effective communicators.