HAS THE RISE OF SO-CALLED NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS CONTRIBUTED TO AN UNDERMINING OF PARTIES IN WESTERN NATIONS? THIS STUDY REVIEWS THE ARGUMENTS ALLEGING THIS TO BE THE CASE, AND THEN SUMMARISES THE RESULTS OF 229 PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS FROM 17 NATIONS. THE SURVEYS INDICATE THAT THOSE WHO HOLD 'POST-MATERIALIST' VALUES ARE STRONGER PARTISANS THAN THOSE WITH 'MATERIALIST' VALUES. THE ANALYSIS CONCLUDES THAT MUCH OF THE LITERATURE HAS OVERSTATED THE CONTRASTS BETWEEN MOVEMENTS AND PARTIES, THAT THE MASS PUBLIC DOES NOT DIFFERENTIATE ITSELF INTO 'PARTY' AND 'MOVEMENT' CATEGORIES, AND THAT PARTIES HAVE BEEN RESOURCEFUL IN PROTECTING THEMSELVES AGAINST THE DEPRADATIONS THAT MOVEMENTS MIGHT CAUSE.
THIS ARTICLE IS AN ATTEMPT TO ANSWER TWO BROAD QUESTIONS ABOUT U.S. PUBLIC OPINION TOWARD THE WAR IN NICARAGUA. THE FIRST, AND BROADER, IS WHAT THE OPINION OF THE MASSES IN THE U.S. WAS TOWARD THAT WAR, ESPECIALLY DURING THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION. THE SUBSIDIARY QUESTIONS INCLUDE WHETHER THE PUBLIC PAID THE WAR MUCH ATTENTION, HOW MUCH INFORMATION IT HAD ABOUT THE WAR, AND WHETHER IT SUPPORTED THE POLICIES OF THE REAGAN AND BUSH ADMINISTRATIONS. THE SECOND GENERAL QUESTION IS WHAT THESE FINDINGS IMPLY FOR THE POLITICAL STRATEGY OF THOSE WHO SEEK TO PREVENT U.S. MILITARY AND ECONOMIC SUPPORT FOR SIMILAR WARS AGAINST MOVEMENTS FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE IN THE REGION. WHICH GROUPS IN THE POPULATION WERE MOST OPPOSED TO THE REAGAN-BUSH POLICIES, AND COULD BE MOBILIZED IN THE FUTURE? WHICH GROUPS WERE MOST UNDECIDED, AND WOULD BE OPEN TO PERSUASION ABOUT SUCH ISSUES?