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This article traces the history of the develop ment of higher educational opportunities f or women in the United States. The first part shows that the development of higher education for women has been closely related to the economy's need for female workers with particular skills and to the financial needs of colleges and universities. Secondly, it documents that neither the difference between the educa tional resources offered to men and women, nor the gap be tween the income going to men and women with the same level of educational attainment, has been significantly reduced. The second half of the article illustrates how institutions of higher education have generally been characterized by the competitive, egotistical, and entrepreneurial culture to which men have been socialized. It then portrays an alternative culture, a culture of cooperation, community, and creativity. The history of women's higher education sketched in this paper suggests that neither educational equality for women nor a cooperative hybrid model of social relations is likely to be realized within the present economic structure. Persons who want academia or any other sphere of life to be charac terized by cooperative, egalitarian social relations need to actively concern themselves with questions regarding the nature of the economy and its influence on every aspect of human life and social relations within our society.

This study traces the history of the development of higher educ'al opportunites for women in the US. It is shown that the development of higher educ for women has been closely related to the economy's need for F workers with particular skills & to the financial needs of Coll's & U's. Documentation is presented to show that neither the diff between the educ'al resources offered to men & women, nor the gap between the income going to men & women with the same level of educ'al attainment, has been signif'ly reduced. It is illustrated how instit's of higher educ have generally been characterized by the competitive, egotistical, & entrepreneurial culture to which men have been soc'ized. An alternative culture is portrayed, a culture of cooperation, community, & creativity. The history of women's higher educ sketched here suggests that neither educ'al equality for women nor a cooperative hybrid model of SR is likely to be realized within the present econ structure. Persons who want academia or any other sphere of life to be characterized by cooperative, egalitarian SR need to actively concern themselves with questions re the nature of the economy & its influence on every aspect of human life & SR within our society. Modified HA.

The attempt to grapple with poverty during the 1960's led to renewed recognition of the importance of inequality in affluent societies. This paper summarizes trends in the share of national income going to the bottom fifth of the population, ranked according to income, and in the composition of that bottom fifth over the past twenty years. Between 1947 and 1967, despite the decline in the share of total national income going to the top 5 percent, little progress was made in increasing the share of the bottom 20 percent. A specific timetable of income-redistribution is needed for the 1970's so that we can assess our programs in increasing the share of national goods going to the poor and to minorities. Over the next ten years, we should seek to expand the share of income going to families in the bottom 20 percent of the population by at least 2 to 3 percent—from 5.4 percent in 1967 to 7 or 8 percent in 1977. In the mid-1960's considerable progress was made in reducing inequality between blacks and whites: the ratio of nonwhite to white income increased from 53 percent in 1963 to 62 percent in 1967—an increase of approximately 2.25 percent a year. This gain should continue, so that by 1979, a black income would be at least 89 percent of white income.

The attempt to grapple with poverty during the 1960's led to renewed recognition of the importance of inequality in affluent societies. This paper summarizes trends in the share of nat'l income going to the bottom fifth of the pop, ranked according to income, & in the composition of that bottom fifth over the last 20 yrs. Between 1947 & 1967, despite the decline in the share of total nat'l income going to the top 5%, little progress was made in increasing the share of the bottom 20%. A specific timetable of income-redistribution is needed for the 1970's so that we can assess our programs in increasing the share of nat'l goods going to the poor & to minorities. Over the next 10 yrs, we should seek to expand the share of income going to fam's in the bottom 20% of the pop by at least 2 to 3% - from 5.4% in 1967 to 7 or 8% in 1977. In the mid-1960's considerable progress was made in reducing inequality between blacks & whites: the ratio of nonwhite to white income increased from 53% in 1963 to 62% in 1967 - an increase of approximately 2.25% a yr. This gain should continue, so that by 1979, a black income would be at least 89% of white income. Modified HA.

L'étude de la mobilité sociale s'est traditionnellement faite de façon statique. Le lien entre mobilité et politique sociale permettrait de renouveler la question. Trois types de politique sont envisagés : les réformes de l'éducation, les allocations (cash subsidies) et la mobilité collective (stratum mobility ). Pour chacune de ces approches, les auteurs examinent plusieurs politiques qu'ils critiquent ou qu'ils suggèrent : par exemple, l'Opération Head Start, l'éducation permanente, les mesures fiscales destinées à réduire effectivement les écarts entre strates. Le problème du pouvoir et des politiques économiques devrait retenir l'attention et rentrer danii la formation des sociologues.

Groping concern with poverty has ushered in the much more controversial issue of inequalities within the af fluent society. In America, relative deprivation is a more im portant aspect of "poverty" than poor physical conditions. Income alone is an inadequate indicator of level of living. This paper proposes six dimensions for the measurement of well- being : income, assets, basic services, social mobility and edu cation, political position, and status and satisfaction. Ques tions of "who does and should get what" within each of these dimensions are issues arousing acrimonious debate. Social indicators are suggested which would create greater awareness of the extent of inequalities and make discussions of inequali ties more useful. These indicators will not tell us what choices to make in inequality-reduction, but they can pre vent us from complacently ignoring the fact that choices are being made.

Growing concern with poverty has ushered in the much more controversial issue of inequalities within the affluent society. In the US, relative deprivation is a more important aspect of poverty than poor physical conditions. Income alone is an inadequate indicator of level of living. 6 dimensions are proposed for the measurement of well-being: income, assets, basic services, SM & educ, pol'al position, & status & satisfaction. Questions of 'who does & should get what' within each of these dimensions are issues arousing acrimonious debate. Soc indicators are suggested which would create greater awareness of the extent of inequalities & make discussions of inequalities more useful. These indicators will not tell us what choices to make in inequality-reduction, but they can prevent us from complacently ignoring the fact that choices are being made. Modified HA.