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El patrimonio cultural europeo incluye multitud de lenguas cuya situación jurídica guarda una estrecha relación con la organización política del continente. Las normas jurídicas ofrecen datos relevantes para apreciar la evolución presente y futura de las lenguas no oficiales de Europa. El reto fundamental de las mismas sigue siendo superar la mentalidad «un Estado, una lengua», que está arraigada en una amplia mayoría de ciudadanos e instituciones europeas, y que relega a las lenguas minoritarias a una condición inferior. En este marco, la estatalidad aparece como la condición necesaria, aunque no suficiente, de la normalización lingüística, puesto que es la clasificación política del poder la que sigue guiando la salud social e institucional de las lenguas. En este contexto, el futuro de las lenguas minoritarias de Europa no se presenta favorable y las dinámicas actuales apuntan a un progresivo debilitamiento de aquéllas que no disponen de estructuras políticas propias en favor de las lenguas oficiales europeas y de algunas de las lenguas inmigradas.
Recibido: 07 marzo 2022Aceptado: 04 mayo 2022

The Spanish 1978 Constitution establishes a complex state. In constitutional terms, it is not defined as a federal state, but rather as a unitary state with significant scope for political decentralization. This complex constitutional arrangement is in response to both internal and cultural features, and to a search for greater administrative efficiency. The pluri-national character of the state is the subject of fierce debate in Spain, while the way in which certain minority nations (Catalonia and the Basque Country) are accommodated is a permanent source of friction. This paper seeks to provide an overview of this complex political/constitutional situation by analysing the historical, political and legal developments that have occurred during the last 40 years, with a focus on the last developments of the Catalan crisis. Although Spain is markedly asymmetric in political and identity terms, this asymmetry is not adequately reflected in Constitutional Law. In addition, the ongoing tension between unionism and separatism in some regions poses significant challenges to the Spanish constitutional system as a whole, in particular, through the pro-independence process in the autonomous region of Catalonia.

When the need of integration and the always interested «social cohesion» are carried to an extreme, human rights are at risk and they can disappear. What should we do in Europe and in others latitudes when cultural diversity and the diversity of identity of its current populations become a reality to stay? It would be advisable, as the thesis of the author of this article says, «managing diversity» through respecting human rights, through overcoming the idea of assimilationist culture through ourselves and not through nationalization and politization that has always characterized the dominant culture. It is useless to deny the complex cultural reality and the diversity we live and we will live in. ; Cuando la necesidad de integración y la siempre interesada «cohesión social » se llevan al extremo, los derechos humanos corren peligro, pueden desaparecer. ¿Qué hacer en Europa y en otras latitudes cuando la diversidad cultural e identitaria de sus actuales poblaciones se ha convertido en una realidad que ha llegado para quedarse? Tal vez convenga, esta es la tesis del autor de este artículo, «gestionar la diversidad » desde el respeto a los derechos humanos, desde la superación de la cultura asimilacionista de lo «nuestro» y no desde la nacionalización y politización de lo que siempre ha caracterizado la cultura dominante. De nada sirve negar la compleja realidad cultural y la diversidad en la que vivimos y en la que viviremos.

The legal protection of religious diversity in plural societies is mainly supported by the human right to freedom of religion and belief, which is widely recognized under the international human rights law. However, interpretations of this law are far from univocal when it comes to managing the situation of persons whose religious beliefs are a minority. The so-called harmonisation practices are techniques to spread the content and exercise of this right. Similarly, the so-called Rights of minorities (as is the case of religious ones) also provide a protection framework, the scope of which has not yet been clearly defined. The current diversity of European societies and their commitment to protect the diversity and minorities lead us to seek a more focused and effective framework of protection, choosing between rights and generic or specific instruments.Published online: 11 December 2017

LABURPENA: Azken urteotan, erreferenduma gehiago erabiltzea proposatu dute hainbat sektore sozial eta politikok, herritarrek parte hartzeko mekanismoa izan dadin eta gure sistemaren birsorkuntza demokratikoa ekar dezan. Europako testuinguruan, Suitzak erabiltzen du gehien erreferenduma. Suitzako esperientziak erakusten duenez, erreferenduma sarri erabiltzea ez dago arazo politiko eta juridikoetatik salbuetsita. Lehenengoen artean, hautesleen parte-hartzea txikia izaten dela, populismoa areagotu egiten dela eta, giza eskubideei eragin diezaieketen arren, herritarren erabakiak goresten dituen kultura politikoa eratzen dela aipa daiteke. Erreferendumean onartutako xedapenek nazioarteko arauei aurka egiten dietenean, zailtasun handiak agertzen dira arlo juridikoan; zehazki, giza eskubideen eremuan. Gure sistema politikoan erreferendumaren erabilera areagotzeko orduan, faktore horiek aintzat hartu behar dira. RESUMEN: En los últimos años varios sectores sociales y políticos han propuesto un mayor uso del referéndum como mecanismo de participación popular y de regeneración democrática de nuestro sistema. En el contexto europeo Suiza es el país que más profusamente hace uso del referéndum. Su experiencia suiza muestra que la utilización frecuente del referéndum no está exenta de problemas políticos y jurídicos. Entre los primeros pueden citarse la baja participación del electorado, el aumento del populismo y la configuración de una cultura política que ensalza las decisiones populares aun en los casos en los que éstas puedan afectar a los derechos humanos. En el plano jurídico se plantean importantes dificultades cuando las disposiciones aprobadas en referéndum contradicen normas de carácter internacional, en particular en el ámbito de los derechos humanos. Estos factores deben ser tenidos en cuenta a la hora de incrementar el uso del referéndum en nuestro sistema político. ABSTRACT: In the last years, several social and political sectors have suggested a more frequent and efficient use of referendum as a mechanism for political participation and democratic regeneration in our system. Within the European context, Switzerland is the country that most frequently uses the referendum. Its experience shows that a frequent use of referendum is not free from political and legal problems. Among the political concerns, it can be mentioned ta low turnout, an emerging populism and a peculiar political culture that enshrines popular will even in the cases in which this might go against human rights. From the legal perspective, important difficulties can be found when clauses adopted by referendum go against international legal standards, particularly in the field of human rights. These problematic factors must be seriously considered in a possible increase of the use of referendum in our constitutional system.

Integration policies are intended to have the dual aim of providing immigrants with the means to function in the society where they live and develop their potential, while preserving their cultural and ethnic identity, and familiarising the non-immigrant population with the rights of immigrants, their culture, traditions and needs. Integration also appears in documents specifically directed at the protection of traditional national minorities. This paper looks to identify the main cultural traits that define minorities in the institutional language and that are relevant for these integration policies. Language and religion emerge as a widely recognised identity factors in this respect. Other possible cultural identity factors gather around the idea of ethnicity, being more difficult to determine.

Immigration policies are of great significance for minority nations, like the Basque Country. Basque nationalism is inclusive and civic; through regional institutions, it has created an informal citizenship with a strong social foundation. This regional citizenship, despite some limitations on regional powers, embraces immigrants by offering social rights to all in order to promote integration in a Basque nation in which identities are not clearly defined. From a technical and legal perspective, there is no specific or separate regional citizenship that could be created by regional institutions in the Basque Country. From a political perspective, however, the principle of inclusive citizenship incorporated by regional policies has played a significant role in the integration process. This trend is similar to the situation in Scotland although it differs slightly from the cases of Catalonia and Quebec, nations in which language is a strong marker of identity.

Sumario: 1. Introducción: religión y política en la historia europea. 2. El Muro de los Reformadores. 3. Los acontecimientos históricos y su relevancia constitucional. 4. Las bases del constitucionalismo moderno. 5. Conclusión. 6. Bibliografía.