Suchergebnisse

WHAT MAKES THE BLUNDERS OF THE PREWAR PERIOD, OF WHICH THE CLIMAX WAS MUNICH, SO IMPORTANT FOR THE WESTERN CONSCIENCE TO RETAIN IS THAT ALL THE INSTINCTS THAT THEN ELICITED THE POLICY OF APPEASEMENT REMAIN ALIVE IN THE WESTERN DEMOCRACIES TODAY. AMONG THE PARALLELS BETWEEN THE PREWAR PERIOD AND TODAY THAT OUGHT TO DISTURB US ARE FOUR IN PARTICULAR: A DOUBLE STANDARD REGARDING THE USE OF FORCE, BY WHICH RADICALS ARE PERMITTED TO EMPLOY FORCE TO GAIN THEIR ENDS WHILE DEMOCRATIC ELEMENTS THAT OPPOSE THEM ARE ENJOINED TO RELY ON WORDS ALONE; A FAITH IN ARMS CONTROL TREATIES, WHOSE EFFECT IS TO INHIBIT DEFENSE SPENDING BY THE DEMOCRACIES, BUT NOT BY THEIR ADVERSARY, WHOSE POLICIES ARE THE CAUSE OF OUR REQUIRING HIGH DEFENSE BUDGETS IN THE FIRST PLACE; ATTITUDES OF INDIFFERENCE OR EXPEDIENCY TOWARD ALLIES FIGHTING FOR THEIR FREEDOM; AND FAITH IN PERSONAL DIPLOMACY OVER ESTABLISHED PRINCIPLES OF STATESMANSHIP IN A HARSH WORLD OF POWER RELATIONS.

Analysing the relationship between civil society and the state, this book lays bare the assumptions informing peacebuilding practices and demonstrates through empirical research how such practices have led to new dynamics of conflict. The drive to establish a sustainable liberal peace largely escapes critical examination. When such attention is paid to peacebuilding practices, scholars tend to concentrate either on the military components of the mission or on the liberal economic reforms. This means that the roles of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and the impact of attempting t.

In 1994, the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development was adopted. The Programme conveys anthropocentric sensibilities when discussing the idea of sustainable development. Moreover, the Programme has largely been interpreted in such a way that it fails to hold the goal of ending population growth at the same level of esteem as the goal of ensuring reproductive health and rights. Despite some unfavorable outcomes, the Programme's orientation around gender equality is to be celebrated. In section 11.23, the Programme highlights a key tactic to help achieve gender equality: effective use of the entertainment media, including radio and television soap operas and drama. Since 1998, Population Media Center has successfully used mission-driven entertainment to confront the most powerful drivers of ongoing rapid population growth: the social norms, attitudes and behaviors related to the status of women in various societies around the world; misinformation about contraception and cultural barriers to its use (such as male opposition); and perceived norms with regard to ideal family size.

AbstractNation‐building throughout Southeast Asia has been undertaken in contexts where minority groups, living on the margins of society, are being forced into recent state constructions, and have had their cultures eroded as a result. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for education have provided international benchmarks for literacy. These have been adopted by the Cambodian state, and a number of donors and NGOs have funded and enacted policies with the explicit aim of improving the language skills of Cambodia's highland communities. However, these are being implemented in communities that do not speak Khmer (the Cambodian national language), and do not have indigenous systems of writing. Drawing on fieldwork in Cambodia, this paper argues that the impact of the MDGs has been to depoliticize an inherently contested terrain, and to ironically silence communities on fundamental issues by teaching them to read, write and speak the national language. This has limited their capacity to perform sovereignty by restricting the very voice they are entitled to speak.

Narratives of human security have been widely adopted and adapted within both academic and policy communities. Despite debates over its meanings and uses, the concept has proven to be remarkably resilient. In particular, there has a been a surprising willingness by critical scholars not only to analyse and critique human security, but also to embrace it as a means of furthering political goals. This article maps the ways in which various strands of critical scholarship in international relations have striven to use human security. It concludes by arguing that human security has lost any true critical potential and has become a new orthodoxy. Thus, while the concept may have value in highlighting particular issues and may enable short-term gains, it is unable to provide the basis for a substantive change of the system of international security.