Suchergebnisse

In this article the phrase "extreme speech" is used to encompass both hate speech and impoliteness. Legislation against hate speech has been passed in many countries, while work on defining phenomena related to hate speech is still ongoing. As a rule, there is no legislation prohibiting impoliteness, and thus impoliteness is often perceived as a less serious verbal offence. There is, however, a grey zone between the two phenomena, which depends on contextual factors that must be constantly explored. In this article, we explore the gray zone between hate speech and impoliteness by looking at user-generated posts commenting on seemingly uncontroversial topics such as giving chocolate to children. The context we explore is the political relationship between Croatia and Serbia, two neighboring countries in the southwest Balkans with a history of recent military conflicts that ended in 1995. The relationship between these two countries can still be described as periodically troubled. The comments we analyze were posted on two online newspapers, the Croatian Jutarnji list and the Serbian Večernje novosti. Using impoliteness theory and Critical Discourse Analysis framework we identify and analyze various linguistic means that serve as extreme speech triggers, connect them to relevant contexts and highlight the grey zone that exist between hate speech and impoliteness. Our findings show that, in their discussions, the posters used a number of linguistic means for constructing national identities that at times resulted in extreme speech. The posters often targeted individual co-posters first and very quickly moved on to target ethnic groups, thus fluctuating between impoliteness and hate speech.

In this article the phrase "extreme speech" is used to encompass both hate speech and impoliteness. Legislation against hate speech has been passed in many countries, while work on defining phenomena related to hate speech is still ongoing. As a rule, there is no legislation prohibiting impoliteness, and thus impoliteness is often perceived as a less serious verbal offence. There is, however, a grey zone between the two phenomena, which depends on contextual factors that must be constantly explored. In this article, we explore the gray zone between hate speech and impoliteness by looking at user-generated posts commenting on seemingly uncontroversial topics such as giving chocolate to children. The context we explore is the political relationship between Croatia and Serbia, two neighboring countries in the southwest Balkans with a history of recent military conflicts that ended in 1995. The relationship between these two countries can still be described as periodically troubled. The comments we analyze were posted on two online newspapers, the Croatian Jutarnji list and the Serbian Večernje novosti. Using impoliteness theory and Critical Discourse Analysis framework we identify and analyze various linguistic means that serve as extreme speech triggers, connect them to relevant contexts and highlight the grey zone that exist between hate speech and impoliteness. Our findings show that, in their discussions, the posters used a number of linguistic means for constructing national identities that at times resulted in extreme speech. The posters often targeted individual co-posters first and very quickly moved on to target ethnic groups, thus fluctuating between impoliteness and hate speech. ; publishedVersion

The comprehensive governmental approach to interpreting in the public sector in Norway includes interpreter accreditation, interpreter training, and the Norwegian National Register of Interpreters. In this article, we argue that training public service employees in how to communicate via interpreters should also be a crucial element to ensure quality interpreting and thus equal access to services for everyone. We analyze the training options in Norway, not as an isolated phenomenon, but in the context of the actors, relations, and systems that constitute interpreting in the public sector. The analysis consists of two main parts: 1) mapping the field of interpreting in the Norwegian public sector based on Ozolins's (2000; 2010) model of governmental responses and the role of interpreter-user training and 2) examining the underlying dynamics of the current state, focusing on the role of the market and the connections between training interpreter-users and attitudes toward interpreting in the public sector. ; La estrategia nacional noruega sobre interpretación en los servicios públicos abarca la acreditación y formación de intérpretes y el llamado Registro Nacional de Intérpretes. En este artículo defendemos la necesidad de formar también a los empleados públicos en la comunicación mediada por intérprete para garantizar la calidad de la interpretación y el acceso igualitario a estos servicios. Las opciones formativas en Noruega se analizan no como fenómenos aislados, sino en el contexto de los actores, relaciones y sistemas que conforman la interpretación social. Nuestro análisis tiene dos partes: 1) radiografía de la interpretación en los servicios públicos noruegos según el modelo de respuestas gubernamentales de Ozolins (2000; 2010) y papel de la formación de los usuarios de interpretación y 2) análisis de las dinámicas que hoy día subyacen a esta cuestión, especialmente el papel del mercado y la relación entre formación y actitud de los usuarios de interpretación en el sector público. ; publishedVersion

This article addresses identity construction through social symbolic meanings conveyed in discussions about scripts, primarily Cyrillic, in Croatian public discourse. We focus on discussions in various Croatian online sources from 2013 to 2015 centred on the topic of "Cyrillic as a symbol" and serving as an umbrella for discursive negotiations of (a) identity and belonging, (b) collective memory of the recent past, and (c) minority rights. The symbolic meanings of Cyrillic have been developed and utilized by politicians, professionals, various organizations, and ordinary people in various contexts and with various aims: from delegitimizing political actors and propagating hostility and reconciliation, to creating a "useful" past and consolidating collective identity. ; Članek raziskuje konstrukcijo identitete skozi družbenosimbolne pomene razprav o cirilici, ki so se odvijale v hrvaškem javnem diskurzu. Osredotoča se na razprave, zapisane na različnih hrvaških internetnih portalih, ki so se osredotočale na temo »cirilice kot simbola«. V analizo so bila zajeta besedila, nastala med letoma 2013 in 2015, v katerih so se na simbolni ravni odvijale razprave o (a) identiteti in pripadnosti, (b) kolektivnem spominu nedavne preteklosti in (c) pravicah manjšin. Simbolni pomen cirilice so konstruirali in upo - rabljali politiki, profesionalci, različne organizacije, navadni ljudje v različnih kontekstih in z različnimi cilji: od delegitimiziranja političnih akterjev in propagiranja sovražnosti oziroma sprave do oblikovanja »uporabnih« preteklosti in utrjevanja kolektivne identitete. ; publishedVersion

This chapter addresses realizations of impoliteness in written discourse thematizing language and identity in Croatian and Montenegrin media (online and print newspapers, and internet forums) in 2010 and 2011. The main participants in this discourse include well-known intellectuals, journalists, and editors. They all defend or attack a particular position in discussing, among other things, "how similar 'our' language (Croatian/Montenegrin) is to 'their' language" (Serbian), and "what makes this language (Croatian/Montenegrin) a distinctive and independent entity." They clearly position themselves in relation to the other. In other words, they are engaged in identity work. Because their positioning of the self and the other involves negative identity-ascribing practices, our understanding of impoliteness is linked to the notion of identity. Moreover, we connect the concept of impoliteness with power and emotions. Contrary to our expectations, the participants in the media discourse analyzed in both countries frequently use offensive language both strategically and systematically while defending their particular positions. Taking into consideration parameters such as the role of participants in discourse, their social roles, the context and co-text, and activity types in which discourse participants were engaged at the various stages in a discourse, we identified various types and functions of impoliteness realizations. The types of these realizations predominantly include "subtle" impoliteness, such as inappropriate personal identity markers, and negative personal assertions, but taboo words are also occasionally found. Most of impoliteness realizations are highly context dependent. These realizations have several functions, the main ones being coercion through legitimizing one's own standpoints and delegitimizing those of one's opponents. Impoliteness appears in a network of intertextual relations and is not only connected to individuals' identity construction, but also to that of groups. Groups are constructed as different communities of practice within the discipline of philology, but ultimately they point to political divisions—for example, in Montenegrin society, to the political division between pro-Serbian and pro-Montenegrin political orientations. ; acceptedVersion