Suchergebnisse

The subject of this paper is the stand taken by the European Union towards the complex and decades-long Kosovo issue viewed from an international ethical perspective. The author is trying to prove that the issue, such as it is, represents a continuity of an inconsistent attitude of most European states towards the Serbian state territorial issue, which attitude has been persisting for two decades. The stand taken by the author is that by acquiescing to the formation and stabilization of a newly-created state in the Serbian territory, the European Union has actually assumed the role of a medium of overseas attempts at attaining as painlessly as possible the goal of the secession of Kosovo, which territory has been proclaimed of special American national interest and hence, of a legitimate influence. During the process, it was also the unreserved choice of Serbia for a "European future" after October 5, 2000 that was taken into account. In the conclusion of this paper, the author points to possible consequences that the method of resolving this important state territorial issue could have on the stability of the Western Balkans in near or remote future.

U tekstu se razmatra priroda meðunarodnih odnosa i meðuna rodne politike kakva se uobličava nakon kraja Hladnog rata, politike čiji pravac u pretežnoj meri odreðuju SAD kao jedina preostala super-sila. Namera autora je da ukaže na ključne tačke divergencije moralno-vrednosne retorike i spoljno-političke pragmatike ove mega-države. U tom smislu, razmatraju se slučajevi američkog stava, odnosno aktivnog tretmana dva dogaðaja koji su u političko-bezbednosnom pogledu obeležili proteklu deceniju u svetsko-istorijskim razmerama – raspad/ra zbijanje Jugoslavije i kriza u Persijskom zalivu. Zaključak autorke da je spoljna politika aktualne super-sile još uvek usmeravana real-političkim, odnosno interesnim, pre nego moralno-vrednosnim motivima. U završnom delu rada razmatraju se antro pološki argumenti za vaspostavljanje narušenog "balansa moći" na globalnom nivou, kao jedinog garanta mira i stabilnosti u svetu. ; The nature of the international politics, after the Cold War directed by the U.S. as the only current super-power, are considered in the text. The author's intention is to stress the main points of divergence between moralistic-valuable rhetoric and the foreign policy practice of the U.S. In that sense, the examples of the American stand, i.e. the active treatment of the Yugoslav crisis, on the one hand, and the crisis in the Persian Gulf, on the other hand, are considered. The author's conclusion is that the foreign policy of the only current super-power is still directed by interests rather then by values. In the concluding part, the author presents an anthropologic arguments in favor of reestablishing the "balance of power" as the only guarantee for peace and stability of the world.

In the text, the author attempts to identify the basic causes of the failure or only partial success of Western Balkans civil society, i.e. nongovernmental organizations as their key organizational form, in the process of reconciliation and renewal of cooperation between recently warring ex-Yugoslav nations. She starts from an etimological finding that the word reconciliation in Serbian (pomirenje) is actually derived from the word peace (mir), as a linguistic label of an inter-group relation that is contrary to the one named war. Therefore, the stabilization and ensurance of peace, mainly established by means of an external intervention (the same one which in fact created a strong presumption for its violation), is a wished-for and intended outcome of the reconciliation process among ethnic groups that populate the Western Balkans region. However, the historical experience, reminds the author, teaches us that it is only a just and fair peace that is stable and long-lasting. In the ex-Yugoslav "case", taking into account all its causes and occasions, such justice implies a clear and consistent definition of state-territorial borders among peoples, all of whom (except Serbian), through referendums, fragmented the state union in which they had lived togetherfor almost eight decades. Namely, the inter-ethnic conflicts in the region of former Yugoslavia did not commence for the purpose of the commission of crimes, which might be wrongly concluded through the absolutization of this, undoubtedly the most tragic of all, its criminal dimension, which is something that the Serbian non-governmental sector particularly insists on – the true motive of the wars, according to the author of this text, was the conviction of some of their internal participants of the injustice of the already existing, "republican" borders of the new states that kept emerging on the ruins of the SFRY, a conviction which, considering the political technology of the secessionist fait accompli of other participants in the years-long fragmentation and disintegration of the second Yugoslavia, was inevitably conducive to war as a method of correcting the injustice that had been perceived. With the tendentious, reductionist and largely falsifying interpretation of the ex-Yugoslav case that arose on those bases (instead of the declared humanitarian and pacifist treatment of the same), as a self-imposed mission for which they had too few expert qualifications and too many crypto-political and profitable motives, the "third sector" of the Western Balkans, mainly its Serbian part, through the majority of their activities, contributed more to the moral confusion and social destabilization of the region and to further group-psychological distancing of peoples inhabiting it, than to theirreconciliation understood in the aforesaid terms, as a basis of productive cooperation and safe progress in the region where they live. The more clearly it reflects the unpleasant fact of their actions and the sooner it agrees to the redefinition of their hitherto mostly misconceived mission, or to its reduction within the declared and socially expected framework, the sooner will the local non-governmental sector in Serbia, according to the author, start to increase their relatively low social credibility and become a respectable factor of a solution to the tragic and decades-long interethnic "enigma" of the Western Balkans region.

This paper deals with UN economic sanctions against the FRY as the first in a series of forms of international intervention in the ex-Yugoslav crisis. In the first section, the author presents statistic indicators of the effects of sanctions on all subsystems of the Serbian society, corroborating the viewpoint that they were not more humane, but only, as it was observed by analysts, less noisy and less expensive means of coercion than application of armaments. In the following part of the paper the author concentrates on ethical aspects of this diplomatic instrument pointing out that it represents a form of collective punishment and as such being incompatible to the ethical principle of individual responsibility, i.e. attributability of responsibility to an individual for his own behaviour. As such they were not, as it was contended, an instrument of establishment of, by the acts of the incriminated regime disrupted international justice, but a punishment lever, which, as the author concludes, by its inadequacy (in respect of the choice of the target group to which the punishment was directed, differentiation of application, appropriateness to the committed act,.) took on the form of retaliation put into effect for the purpose of producing the desired state of affairs on the terrain of political interests instead of the declared international ethics "terrain". ; Предмет рада су економске санкције ОУН против СРЈ као прва у низу форми међународног интервенисања у еx-југословенску кризу. У првом делу рада ауторка излаже статистичке показатеље ефеката санкција на све подсистеме српског друштва, аргументујући у прилог становишту да оне нису биле хуманије, већ само, како су уочили аналитичари, мање бучно и јефтиније средство принуде од приме- не оружја. У следећем делу рада ауторка се усредсређује на етичке аспекте овог дипломатског оруђа истичући да оно представља облик колективног кажњавања и да је као такво инкомпатибилно етичком принципу индивидуалне одговорности, односно приписивости одговорности појединцу за ...

The subject of this paper is the stand taken by the European Union towards the complex and decades-long Kosovo issue viewed from an international ethical perspective. The author is trying to prove that the issue, such as it is, represents a continuity of an inconsistent attitude of most European states towards the Serbian state territorial issue, which attitude has been persist- ing for two decades. The stand taken by the author is that by acquiescing to the formation and stabilization of a newly-created state in the Serbian terri- tory, the European Union has actually assumed the role of a medium of overseas attempts at attaining as painlessly as possible the goal of the secession of Kosovo, which territory has been proclaimed of special Ameri- can national interest and hence, of a legitimate influence. During the process, it was also the unreserved choice of Serbia for a "European future" after October 5, 2000 that was taken into account. In the conclusion of this paper, the author points to possible consequences that the method of resolving this important state territorial issue could have on the stability of the Western Balkans in near or remote future.

Predmet teksta estetički su aspekti desnih totalitarnih ideologija, preciznije funkcija koju u njihovu nastanku i održavanju ima kič kao pseudoumjetnost. Budući da je sklonost k njemu, kako su teoretičari odavno utvrdili, obilježje jedne kompleksne strukture ljudskog doživljavanja i stajališta prema svijetu, autorica istražuje i načine na koji se ona eksploatirala, odnosno kako se njome manipuliralo i u drugim, strogo uzevši neestetskim sferama života u Njemačkoj i Italiji tridesetih godina proteklog vijeka. Politička simbolika, jezik politike, ponuđeni obrasci političke identifikacije i mobilizacije k projektiranom političkom cilju u centralnom dijelu rada predmet su njezine analize koju provodi iz tog istraživačkog rakursa. Savezništvo između kiča i totalitarnih političkih režima nije slučajno, nego, naprotiv, zasnovano na zajedničkim i čvrstim antropološkim osnovama. ; This text deals with aesthetic aspects of right totalitarian ideologies, or more precisely, the function that kitsch as pseudoart has in their origin and maintenance. As affinity towards kitsch, which was established by art theoreticians a long time ago, is a characteristic of a complex structure of human experience and view of the world, the author also explores the ways in which it was exploited or manipulated in other, strictly speaking non-aesthetic spheres of life in Germany and Italy of the 1930s. Political symbolism, language of politics, offered forms of political identification and mobilization towards the projected political goal are the subject of her analysis in the central part of the text, which analysis is derived from that angle of research. The author concludes that the alliance between kitsch and totalitarian political regimes is not accidental, but that it is, on the contrary, founded on common and firm anthropological bases.

This paper deals with UN economic sanctions against the FRY as the first in a series of forms of international intervention in the ex-Yugoslav crisis. In the first section, the author presents statistic indicators of the effects of sanctions on all subsystems of the Serbian society, corroborating the viewpoint that they were not more humane, but only, as it was observed by analysts, less noisy and less expensive means of coercion than application of armaments. In the following part of the paper the author concentrates on ethical aspects of this diplomatic instrument pointing out that it represents a form of collective punishment and as such being incompatible to the ethical principle of individual responsibility, i.e. attribute ability of responsibility to an individual for his own behavior. As such they were not, as it was contended, an instrument of establishment of, by the acts of the incriminated regime disrupted international justice, but a punishment lever, which, as the author concludes, by its inadequacy (in respect of the choice of the target group to which the punishment was directed, differentiation of application, appropriateness to the committed act,.) took on the form of retaliation put into effect for the purpose of producing the desired state of affairs on the terrain of political interests instead of the declared international ethics 'terrain'.

The subject of this paper is the stand taken by the European Union towards the complex and decades-long Kosovo issue viewed from an international ethical perspective. The author is trying to prove that the issue, such as it is, represents a continuity of an inconsistent attitude of most European states towards the Serbian state territorial issue, which attitude has been persisting for two decades. The stand taken by the author is that by acquiescing to the formation and stabilization of a newly-created state in the Serbian territory, the European Union has actually assumed the role of a medium of overseas attempts at attaining as painlessly as possible the goal of the secession of Kosovo, which territory has been proclaimed of special American national interest and hence, of a legitimate influence. During the process, it was also the unreserved choice of Serbia for a 'European future' after October 5, 2000 that was taken into account. In the conclusion of this paper, the author points to possible consequences that the method of resolving this important state territorial issue could have on the stability of the Western Balkans in near or remote future.