Suchergebnisse

<p>The refugees' crisis has set the public agenda on European topics throughout 2015. Considered by many as (another) existential test for the European project, this new type of crisis has triggered frustrations and extreme disappointment, leading to a further aggravation of the already existing intra-EU cleavages, such as those between the West and the East, the "net debtors" (now labeled as the net supporters of the refugees) and the "net creditors" (now intensely recognized as adversaries of migration). Noteworthy, Angela Merkel declared that the refugees' crisis is "testing Europe's mettle" (2015), whereas Jean-Claude Juncker posed that a "blame-game" is shattering the EU, with Member States accusing "each other of not doing enough or of doing the wrong thing" (2015). This paper argues that the European leaders have tacitly fueled – through their emotional and solidarity-centered discourse – the intra-EU cleavages between the Member-States, as well as public attachment to far-right xenophobic ideologies. By means of a combined narratives' and frames' analysis, this paper focuses on the discursive means employed by the European leaders in order to tackle the sensitive topic of the migration crisis. Firstly, some background information about the causes and developments of the migration crisis is presented. Secondly, frames and narratives are approached as two different yet complementary instances of discourse analysis. Lastly, two key discourses given by Angela Merkel and Jean- Claude Juncker are investigated with the purpose of identifying how frames and narratives combine to tell the story of European integration under the pressure of the refugees' flows.</p>

The current paper aims to present briefly, yet clearly, the key developments of the complex phenomenon that is usually labeled as the "global economic crisis". Furthermore, the paper reveals some of the contagion mechanisms that transformed the American banking crisis into "Europe's existential crisis". The paper builds on a general consent that seems to be emerging among scholars and politicians – "the crisis in Europe is existential. It is a question of whether the EU survives as a recognizable entity." (Giddens, 2012). We totally agree with the fact that the American crisis and the European crisis could (and should) be now treated as two separate realities. However, these realities have emerged from the same root cause, which means that in order to understand why Europe is now struggling with its Hamletian dilemma, one should first take a close look behind the scenes of global economy.

Cover ; Table of Contents; Preface: From "What Europe" to "Why Europe". Insights into the Consequences of EU Overlapping Crises (Alina Bârgăoanu / Raluca Buturoiu / Loredana Radu); Section 1: Media Coverage of the European Union in Turmoil Contexts. Prevailing Frames and Competing Narratives; Is the Refugee Crisis Shaping Different Representations of the EU? Narratives of Europeanization in Pan- European vs. National Online Media (Flavia Alupei-Durach / Paul Dobrescu / Loredana Radu).

<p>The financial and economic turmoil within the European Union has significantly impacted upon the way in which the European citizens assess the advantages of EU membership and the future of the integration process. Intensely preoccupied with the economic problems, the EU leadership has lost sight of the constant decrease of public support and the increasing lack of citizens' confidence in the Union. This paper seeks to show the dynamics of public opinion between 2008 and 2013 with a special focus on the rise of Euroscepticism, using secondary data analysis of standard Eurobarometers. Our longitudinal analysis reveals the dynamics of EU-related attitudes and perceptions before, during, and after most of events that are usually labeled under the rather generic term "crisis".</p>

The aftermath of the 2016 US Presidential Elections and the Brexit campaign in Europe have opened the floor to heated debates about fake news and the dangers that these phenomena pose to elections and to democracy, in general. Despite a growing body of scholarly literature on fake news and its close relatives misinformation, disinformation or, more encompassing, communication and information disorders, few studies have so far attempted to empirically account for the effects that fake news might have, especially with respect to what communication scholars call the third person effect. This study aims to provide empirical evidence for the third person effect in the case of people's self-perceived ability to detect fake news and of their perception of others' ability to detect it. Based on a survey run in August 2018 and comprising a national, diverse sample of Romanian adults ( N = 813), this research reveals that there is a significant third person effect regarding people's self-reported ability to spot fake news and that this effect is stronger when people compare their fake news detection literacy to that of distant others than to that close others. Furthermore, this study shows that the most important predictors of third person effect related to fake news detection are education, income, interest in politics, Facebook dependency and confirmation bias, with age being a non-significant predictor.