Suchergebnisse

Doing youth research presents a number of challenges that researchers of other groups do not face. These come at every stage of the research process, from design, to recruitment and implementation. Youth researchers often use a qualitative approach to get a rich understanding of young people's perspectives, as a consequence there is not much discussion in quantitative research of how to best include young people and their perspectives in the research process. But surveys can be useful to capture data on young people and their lives, and it is therefore essential that survey questions are understandable and relevant to young people. In this case study, I present a new way of including young people in survey research at the design stage. The case I present is the youth proofing of the survey questionnaire for the project Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship: Family Values and Youth Unemployment in Europe (CUPESSE).

This article challenges the current research on youth disengagement by asking what makes young people active in different political organisations. It applies the classic civic voluntarism model to explore which factors (skills, attitudes, mobilisation and motivations) best distinguish between young activists in political parties' youth factions, the British Youth Council and the 2010 National Union of Students demonstrations. The results from multinomial logistic regression show that there are differences especially in the civic and political attitudes. The results also show that different organisations attract different kinds of young people, which can be used to (re-)engage young people in politics.

Traditional general population surveys are unable to provide in-depth data about political activists because those citizens who participate in forms of action such as youth parties and protests constitute rare populations. Even when political participation is measured, it is decontextualized, which means that the survey answers respondents give in relation to their political participation are likely to be ecologically invalid. In other words, they are not generalizable to the particular context of the real-life setting of political participation because the questions are asked outside of that context. Moreover, traditional surveys ask respondents whether they have participated in a range of political actions, but very few are able to capture the issue of a demonstration (e.g., a climate march or a right-wing demonstration) and youth-specific forms of political participation such as youth councils and political parties youth wings are not included in general population surveys. The latter are sometimes covered in youth-specific surveys, but these are rare. In this case study, we outline a method for systematically surveying hard-to-reach political activists in a contextualized way. We focus on how to use surveys to catch protesters and young activists in the act of political participation. We describe an original method developed to robustly survey street demonstrations and explain how we adapted it to survey young participants at political events. We will reflect on the adaptations that we made to the methodology to capture young participants at political events as well as their effectiveness. The central theme is to illustrate the possibility and value of "catching" people as they are doing political participation. This enables a more sophisticated analysis of political activists than analysis of existing secondary datasets because the sample sizes of people engaging in these relatively rare behaviors are significantly larger, and the data are much more nuanced.

Although there is a developing strand of literature on young people's participation in environmental activism, there have been few systematic comparisons of their participation in different forms of environmental activism. This article compares the participation of young people and their older counterparts in climate change marches and Global Climate Strikes (GCSs). The agential and structural factors that draw people into protest participation are, in general terms, well recognized. However, it is also recognized that the factors that lead to particular types of protest on certain issues might not be the same as those that lead to different types of protest on different issues. In this article, we keep the protest issue constant (climate change), and make comparisons across different forms of climate protest (marches and school strikes). We coin the term "mobilization availability", which is a useful way to understand why young people are differentially mobilized into different types of climate change protest. Our notion of mobilization availability invites scholars to consider the importance of the interplay of the supply and demand for protest in understanding who protests and why. We analyse data collected using standardized protest survey methodology (n = 643). In order to account for response rate bias, which is an acute problem when studying young people's protest survey responses, we weighted the data using propensity score adjustments. We find that the youth-oriented supply of protest evoked by GCS mobilized higher numbers of young people into climate protest than did the more adult-dominated climate marches. GCS did this by providing accessible forms of protest, which reduced the degree of structural availability required to encourage young people to protest on the streets, and by emotionally engaging them. Indeed, the young people we surveyed at the GCSs were considerably more angry than their adult counterparts, and also angrier than young people on other climate protests. Our conceptual and empirical innovations make this paper an important contribution to the literature on young people's political participation.

This article examines the impact that unemployment and low-quality work conditions have on young adults' work values. Academic theory suggests that harsher economic conditions will make people prize extrinsic work values (income, security) more and intrinsic work values (creative, independent working conditions, autonomy) less. We apply this reasoning to study young Europeans' response to unemployment and low-quality work conditions, expecting that those who have these experiences will value extrinsic values more and intrinsic work values less than those who do not have these experiences. Using the CUPESSE dataset of 18- to 35-year-olds in eleven European countries, we do not find support for the effect of previous unemployment experience on intrinsic or extrinsic work values. However, when it comes to the effect of low-quality work conditions, there are mixed results. We find that one dimension of low-quality work conditions—overqualification—does have a positive effect on extrinsic work values. Further, we find that age has a moderating effect: unemployment and low-quality work conditions have a larger impact on the younger workers in our sample than their older counterparts.

Student dissatisfaction with undergraduate research methods courses in politics and international relations is common across the sector. We suggest that methods teaching suffers from an unhealthy disassociation between research in theory -- which we call 'method acting' -- and research in practice. Our critical interviews with eminent researchers expose the compromises professional researchers make when designing their research. Students appreciate these insights when combined with first-hand research opportunities. We call this approach a 'reality show'. Our analysis based on survey data and students' evaluations of our approach suggests that these aids can provide an effective resource to improve teaching and learning of research methods. Adapted from the source document.

Student dissatisfaction with undergraduate research methods courses in politics and international relations is common across the sector. We suggest that methods teaching suffers from an unhealthy disassociation between research in theory – which we call 'method acting' – and research in practice. Our critical interviews with eminent researchers expose the compromises professional researchers make when designing their research. Students appreciate these insights when combined with first-hand research opportunities. We call this approach a 'reality show'. Our analysis based on survey data and students' evaluations of our approach suggests that these aids can provide an effective resource to improve teaching and learning of research methods.

Protest participation scholarship tends to focus on the special characteristics of novices and the highly committed, underplaying the significance of those in between. In this article, we fill a lacuna in the literature by refocusing attention on four different types of protesters: novices, returners, repeaters, and stalwarts. Employing data from protest surveys of demonstrations that took place in seven European countries (2009-2010), we test whether these types of protesters are differentiated by biographical-structural availability and/or psychological-attitudinal engagement. Our results suggest that biographical availability distinguishes our four groups, but not as a matter of degree. Few indicators of structural availability distinguish between the groups of protesters, and emotional factors do not distinguish between them at all. Some political engagement factors suggest similarity between novices and returners. This confirms the need to avoid treating protesters as a homogenous group and reinforces the importance of assessing the contributions of diverse factors to sustaining "protest politics."

Protest participation scholarship tends to focus on the special characteristics of novices and the highly committed, underplaying the significance of those in between. In this article, we fill a lacuna in the literature by refocusing attention on four different types of protesters: novices, returners, repeaters, and stalwarts. Employing data from protest surveys of demonstrations that took place in seven European countries (2009-2010), we test whether these types of protesters are differentiated by biographical-structural availability and/or psychological-attitudinal engagement. Our results suggest that biographical availability distinguishes our four groups, but not as a matter of degree. Few indicators of structural availability distinguish between the groups of protesters, and emotional factors do not distinguish between them at all. Some political engagement factors suggest similarity between novices and returners. This confirms the need to avoid treating protesters as a homogenous group and reinforces the importance of assessing the contributions of diverse factors to sustaining "protest politics.". Adapted from the source document.

Existing datasets provided by statistical agencies (e.g. Eurostat) show that the economic and financial crisis that unfolded in 2008 significantly impacted the lives and livelihoods of young people across Europe. Taking these official statistics as a starting point, the collaborative research project "Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship in Europe" (CUPESSE) generated new survey data on the economic and social situation of young Europeans (18-35 years). The CUPESSE dataset allows for country-comparative assessments of young people's perceptions about their socio-economic situation. Furthermore, the dataset includes a variety of indicators examining the socio-economic situation of both young adults and their parents. In this data article, we introduce the CUPESSE dataset to political and social scientists in an attempt to spark a debate on the measurements, patterns and mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of economic self-sufficiency as well as its political implications. ; Existing datasets provided by statistical agencies (e.g. Eurostat) show that the economic and financial crisis that unfolded in 2008 significantly impacted the lives and livelihoods of young people across Europe. Taking these official statistics as a starting point, the collaborative research project "Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship in Europe" (CUPESSE) generated new survey data on the economic and social situation of young Europeans (18-35 years). The CUPESSE dataset allows for country-comparative assessments of young people's perceptions about their socio-economic situation. Furthermore, the dataset includes a variety of indicators examining the socio-economic situation of both young adults and their parents. In this data article, we introduce the CUPESSE dataset to political and social scientists in an attempt to spark a debate on the measurements, patterns and mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of economic self-sufficiency as well as its political implications.

Existing datasets provided by statistical agencies (e.g. Eurostat) show that the economic and financial crisis that unfolded in 2008 significantly impacted the lives and livelihoods of young people across Europe. Taking these official statistics as a starting point, the collaborative research project "Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship in Europe" (CUPESSE) generated new survey data on the economic and social situation of young Europeans (18–35 years). The CUPESSE dataset allows for country-comparative assessments of young people's perceptions about their socio-economic situation. Furthermore, the dataset includes a variety of indicators examining the socio-economic situation of both young adults and their parents. In this data article, we introduce the CUPESSE dataset to political and social scientists in an attempt to spark a debate on the measurements, patterns and mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of economic self-sufficiency as well as its political implications.

Existing datasets provided by statistical agencies (e.g. Eurostat) show that the economic and financial crisis that unfolded in 2008 significantly impacted the lives and livelihoods of young people across Europe. Taking these official statistics as a starting point, the collaborative research project "Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship in Europe" (CUPESSE) generated new survey data on the economic and social situation of young Europeans (18–35 years). The CUPESSE dataset allows for country-comparative assessments of young people's perceptions about their socio-economic situation. Furthermore, the dataset includes a variety of indicators examining the socio-economic situation of both young adults and their parents. In this data article, we introduce the CUPESSE dataset to political and social scientists in an attempt to spark a debate on the measurements, patterns and mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of economic self-sufficiency as well as its political implications.

After online first publication of the article, it was noticed that the family name of author Panos Tsakloglou was erroneously misspelt as Tsakoglou.