Suchergebnisse

Any society and every society is a continuation of the past, but a range of continuity is maintained even in the midst of change coming into the same society from time to time. This is how the identity of a society is maintained over a period of time. Even otherwise some continuity is essential because human nature is immutable. The notions of ascribed status, hierarchy, ritual purity and impurity have been the basic ingredients of Tamil social structure. These have been attacked from time to time by social and religious reform movements, secularization process and host of others. But the system seems to have a remarkable resilience. It yields some ground but returns again. For instance, when caste is sought to be dislodged from the religious (ritual) domain, it enters into the political process and caste consciousness comes back with a vengeance through urbanization. In the face of scientific temper, religiosity and ritualism also increased and a substantial segment of the modern educated class shows latent and sometime overt acceptance of the religious phenomenon sometimes steeped in irrationality and superstition. The joint family norms instead of fading away in the face of urbanization and industrialization may still be retained by adapting to the process of democratization and acceptance of dissent. The joint family today is more democratic and the traditional autocratic authority head of the joint family has become a thing of the past. All these examples point to the past. Another dimension of continuity in Tamil society may be explained through the continuity of Traditions. Even among the modern, educated urban people, during sickness in the family, a modern physician visits the patient in the morning. Tamilnadu's village is the puja for the tractor bought by a farmer, invoking the blessings of the local deity, performing aarti and applying pottu to the tractor, a product of modern technology. Not only the continuity between the Traditions and also in everything, even two different Traditions may go together or get fused into one another. Praying in a temple in nor unusual or mutually contradictory. It does not dilute their beliefs. It tells us that there is something inherent in Tamil tradition which facilitates the cultural continuity. "Kameshwara iyer had offered a lot of dowry and gifts at the wedding. Rukmani's in-laws were very satisfied. After the marriage, her mother in law would often take Rukmani away to her house" ("Peepul by the Tank" P.7 ) In the story of peepul by the tank by va ve su iyer portrayed marriage ceremony and dowry system. Still it is exist in our society.

Evaluating the risk for central nervous system (CNS) effects after whole-body or partial-body irradiation presents challenges due in part to the varied exposure scenarios in the context of occupational, accidental or wartime releases. Risk estimations are further complicated by the fact that robust changes in brain function are unlikely to manifest until significantly late post exposure times. Collectively, the current data regarding CNS radiation risk are conflicting in humans and a survey of the animal model data shows that it is similarly inconsistent. Due to the sparseness of such data, the current study was conducted using male and female mice to evaluate the brain for the delayed effects of a 2 Gy whole-body exposure to c rays starting six months postirradiation. Behavioral testing indicated sex-specific differences in the induction of anxiety-like behaviors and in the ability to abolish fear memories. Molecular analyses showed alterations in post-synaptic protein levels that might affect synaptic plasticity and increased levels of global DNA methylation, suggesting a potential epigenetic mechanism that might contribute to radiation-induced cognitive dysfunction. These data add to the understanding of the CNS response to whole-body irradiation and may lead to improved risk assessment and provide guidance in the development of effective radiation countermeasures to protect military personnel and civilians alike.

AIMS. An epidemiological survey was conducted to determine the prevalence of the mental and substance use disorders and ascertain patterns of mental health services utilisation in Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) with the aim of evaluating existing gaps and opportunities in the provision of mental health services. METHODS. This study was a cross-sectional, household survey of adults living within Vientiane Capital province, Lao PDR. We collected data on participant demographics, mental and physical health status, family history of mental illness and exposure to potential risk factors. It also collected data on mental health service utilisation patterns, types of health professionals and treatment being accessed, barriers to treatment and perceived need for care. The MINI International Neuropsychiatric Interview (MINI v.6.0) was also administered to assess mental disorder prevalence. RESULTS. Age- and sex-standardised current prevalence of any disorder was estimated at 15.2% (95% CI 11.0–20.7). Alcohol dependence (5.5% (95% CI 3.2–9.6)), was the most prevalent followed by anxiety disorders (5.2% (95% CI 3.2–8.3)) and mood disorders (2.5% (95% CI 1.5–4.4)). 11.0% (95% CI 5.8–20.1) of participants with a mental and/or substance use disorder suffered from other comorbid disorders. A number of variables demonstrated significant effects in final logistic regression models, including family history, education and employment for mental disorders; and gender, numbers of hours worked per week and number of dependants for substance use disorders. Having a mental or substance use disorder was associated with an OR of 11.6 of suicidality over participants without a mental or substance use disorder (95% CI 2.8–58.5). Of the 101 participants who met criteria for a current mental or substance use disorder, only two (2.1% (95% CI 0.5–8.0)) had accessed services for their mental health in the past 12 months. No participants who had seen a health professional in the past 12 months reported getting as much help as they ...