The dissertation analyses the formation of cooperation-based organisational culture. Cooperation-based organisational culture is analysed in the contexts of macro, meso, micro and nano cultural levels. The thesis identifies the phases of leadership competencies, trust, knowledge and information sharing, modern technology, and stakeholder engagement. Normative analysis is performed, historically significant legal acts, provisions of various public governance programs are analysed, legal definition of cooperation-based organisational culture and stages of its formation are studied, dynamics of their changes is revealed. Significantly stimulating and restraining forces in the system of public governance in Lithuania are identified, and possible solutions to existing problems that could be applied at the level of ministries and departments are suggested.
The dissertation analyses the formation of cooperation-based organisational culture. Cooperation-based organisational culture is analysed in the contexts of macro, meso, micro and nano cultural levels. The thesis identifies the phases of leadership competencies, trust, knowledge and information sharing, modern technology, and stakeholder engagement. Normative analysis is performed, historically significant legal acts, provisions of various public governance programs are analysed, legal definition of cooperation-based organisational culture and stages of its formation are studied, dynamics of their changes is revealed. Significantly stimulating and restraining forces in the system of public governance in Lithuania are identified, and possible solutions to existing problems that could be applied at the level of ministries and departments are suggested.
The essence of the "Swedish socialism" created in the 20th century lies in "democratic functional socialism". During the last 30 years, even after having refused part of its elements, it remains the foundation of the Swedish welfare state, and historically the name of the "Swedish socialism" is mostly related to the famous Swedish and global figure of the smart political powers, social democrat Olof Palme. The article reviews the features of the biography of Olof Palme and his both theoretical and practical activity opting for social justice and by creating a welfare state in Sweden by the means of "democratic functional socialism". Olof Palme was also an advocate of human rights and freedoms, neutrality of small countries, an international mediator, an advocate of nuclear disarmament policy and a severe critic of neo-liberal ideas.KEY WORDS: Olof Palme, Sweden, social democracy, democratic socialism, functional socialism, welfare state, public governance, peace.JEL CLASSIFICATION: B 14, L 30.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/rfds.v19i2.1281
In contemporary world, with the change of economic, social, political and cultural conditions, the expectations to the support or creation of welfare states are also changing. For the preservation or reinforcement of welfare states, elimination of the arising contradictions is necessary as well as positive, effective answers to the challenges raised to welfare states both in theoretic, ideological-value and practical sense. The aim of this article is to reveal and group the essential contradictions and challenges to welfare states and their public governance. This article is of a phenomenological, analytical-overview type. In chapter 1, the authors provide the notions of contradiction, challenge, welfare state, governance and public governance; chapter 2 analyses contradictions and challenges to public governance of welfare states in international, state and local levels; in chapter 3, the authors analyse the challenges to welfare states in the context of the changes of the 21st century.
In contemporary world, with the change of economic, social, political and cultural conditions, the expectations to the support or creation of welfare states are also changing. For the preservation or reinforcement of welfare states, elimination of the arising contradictions is necessary as well as positive, effective answers to the challenges raised to welfare states both in theoretic, ideological-value and practical sense. The aim of this article is to reveal and group the essential contradictions and challenges to welfare states and their public governance. This article is of a phenomenological, analytical-overview type. In chapter 1, the authors provide the notions of contradiction, challenge, welfare state, governance and public governance; chapter 2 analyses contradictions and challenges to public governance of welfare states in international, state and local levels; in chapter 3, the authors analyse the challenges to welfare states in the context of the changes of the 21st century.
The essence of the "Swedish socialism" created in the 20th century lies in "democratic functional socialism". During the last 30 years, even after having refused part of its elements, it remains the foundation of the Swedish welfare state, and historically the name of the "Swedish socialism" is mostly related to the famous Swedish and global figure of the smart political powers, social democrat Olof Palme. The article reviews the features of the biography of Olof Palme and his both theoretical and practical activity opting for social justice and by creating a welfare state in Sweden by the means of "democratic functional socialism". Olof Palme was also an advocate of human rights and freedoms, neutrality of small countries, an international mediator, an advocate of nuclear disarmament policy and a severe critic of neo-liberal ideas. ; Olofas Palmė yra ne tik Švedijos socialdemokratų partijos geriausių valdymo metų simbolis, bet ir ryškiausiai matoma figūra tarptautiniame darbo bei taikos judėjime antrojoje XX amžiaus pusėje. Savo veikla O. Palmė parodė socialdemokratijos ribas, ką gali ir ko negali socialdemokratai palankiausiai jų valdymui susiklostančiomis aplinkybėmis. O. Palmė daug dėmesio skyrė efektyviam viešajam valdymui, kuris turėjo sušvelninti kapitalizmo prieštaravimus ir suteikti jam "žmogišką" pavidalą. Vidaus politikoje jis buvo aktyvus "demokratinio funkcinio socializmo", dažnai pavadinamo tiesiog "švedišku modeliu", kūrėjas. "Demokratinį socializmą" kuriant gerovės valstybę O. Palmė suprato ir kaip vystymosi priemonę, ir kaip galutinį tikslą. Užsienio politikoje jis aktyviai palaikė taikos tarp Šiaurės ir Pietų, Vakarų ir Rytų šalių užtikrinimo ir vystymosi skatinimo iniciatyvas. Valdant O. Palmei Švedijoje buvo santykinai gerai, t. y. socialinės taikos būdu, išspręsta ekonominio efektyvumo ir socialinio teisingumo darnos problema. Jam valdant šioje Šiaurės šalyje ypač išsiplėtė ir sustiprėjo viešasis sektorius bei viešasis administravimas, į kuriuos O. Palmė žiūrėjo kaip į dirbančiųjų sąjungininkus, derinant pozicijas su darbdaviais. Jis pasižymėjo ir kaip aršus neoliberalizmo idėjų kritikas, žmogaus teisių bei laisvių, mažųjų valstybių neutraliteto gynėjas, branduolinio nusiginklavimo politikos šalininkas. Šiemet minime 30 metų nuo tos tragiškos dienos, kai 1986 m. vasario 28 d. O. Palmė, grįždamas iš kino filmo peržiūros su žmona Lisbet be apsaugos, nušautas nenustatyto užpuoliko pačiame Stokholmo centre. Tą nelemtą dieną, prieš 30 metų, Švedija ir pasaulis neteko didžios asmenybės ir įkvepiančio pavyzdžio ateities kartoms.
It is pointed in the article that a significant and relevant direction of new social sciences in the body of the problems of research into welfare states (in general) and in Central and Eastern European countries in particular, could be the investigation of the problem of compatibility and coherence between welfare state models and public administration models, to be more precise, examining if this relation is accidental or not. This problem of coherence between welfare state and public administration models has to be investigated empirically in subsequent research, as the author raises this problem firstly in this article theoretically. ; Gerovės valstybių modelių kūrimo problema egzistuoja jau ne vieną dešimtį metų. Ypatingas vaidmuo, siekiant socialinės kokybės, kai kuriamos gerovės valstybės, tenka vertybių puoselėjimo klausimui. Autoriai straipsnyje šiuo aspektu kelia originalią gerovės valstybės ir viešojo administravimo modelių atitikimo bei jų suderinamumo problemą tiek Vakaruose, tiek ir Centrinės bei Rytų Europos šalyse. Jų teigimu, liberalus marginalinis gerovės valstybės modelis anglosaksiškose šalyse generuoja naująją viešąją vadybą ir atvirkščiai, o korporatyvus-konservatyvus gerovės valstybės modelis labiau atitinka hierarchinį viešojo administravimo modelį kontinentinės Vakarų Europos valstybėse. Tam tikri naujojo viešojo valdymo bruožai atskleidžia labiau universalų perskirstomąjį socialdemokratinį modelį kūrusiose Šiaurės Europos šalyse. Kyla klausimas dėl Pietų, Centrinės ir Rytų Europos gerovės valstybės modelių, kuriems, be "bismarkinių" korporatyvaus modelio savybių, būdingi ir klientelistiniai atitikimo hierarchiniam viešojo administravimo modeliui elementai, nes pastaruoju metu jie "dreifavo" liberalaus marginalinio modelio link. Dėl klientelistinių bruožų (nepotizmo, korupcijos, protekcionizmo, mažo nevyriausybinių ir politinių organizacijų aktyvumo) šioms valstybėms aktualus naujojo viešojo valdymo elementų formulavimas ir jų įgyvendinimas. Bet kuriuo atveju gerovės valstybės modelių ir jų atitikimo bei suderinamumo problema yra aktuali teorinė ir praktinė problema tiek Vakaruose, tiek Centrinės bei Rytų Europos šalyse.
In the article the significance of national cultures for effectiveness of public sector's and public administration modernization reforms is analyzed with the aim of creation of public value abstractedly – on the governance macro level, as well as on administration meza level – concretely and adequately corresponding to the trajectories of national states and national cultures development. The importance of national cultures in the article is analyzed in such dimensions as acquired status, length of service, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, contradiction with hierarchy, standpoint of time, universalism and particularism, integration, individualism and collectivism, masculinity and femininity. It is made a conclusion that these components of national cultures can influence the nature, the time intervals and the successes or failures of public sector's and public administration modernization reforms. In the article it is argued that above mentioned components in public sector's organizations may influence such managerial processes as control, specific leadership style, choose of social coordination types by more to consensus search orientated democratic forms. It is necessary to stress also the processual or results based organizations orientation, as well as specific preference motivation systems and salaries schemes in public service. The components of national cultures are essential also for often found organizations structures analysis in the public sector, as well as their impact for such processes as planning, education in public service, admission and following the rules, identity and risk tolerance, structuration and fragmentation of public sector's problems. The managerial concepts are formed in the specific geographical area by implementing public sector's modernization reforms and are not necessary compatible culturally with the components of other society's cultural components. [.]
The authors of the article state that the development of precariat is a social phenomenon produced by the neoliberal political and economic project, for the scientific analysis of which both worldwide and in Lithu- ania, according to the authors, insufficient attention is paid. The article introduces a qualitative analysis reviewing the formation and develop- ment of precariat, as a comparatively new qualitative economic-social phenomenon. The influence of this phenomenon for various areas of the societal life has not raised any doubts recently, yet they have huge influence on such areas as closer and more distant work environment, the opportunities of social dialogue and social security of employees. Theoretically it is not clear if the development of precariat should be considered as the formation of "some kind of class" with its own attrib- utes, or "work status", where an employee is merely short of a number of things within his work environment and his social security rights are not ensured. Even though for some "voluntary" precariat representatives such unstable, "unbound" situation associates with the "economics of happiness", for many members of involuntary precariat it marks a much greater exploitation by the employers, less security, "dequalification" and worse rights in the area of social security. At the end of the article the authors provide their conclusions and pro- posals regarding the issues related to the undefined status of precariat, as well as possible solutions. Increasing the scope of social security and the ensuring the guarantees of self-employed is one of the measures in socially oriented countries to solve the issues related to the precariat. Allocation of basic, universal income for all residents is one of the pos- sibly effective measures in improving the situation of precariat and other residents and ensuring social safeness in modern world. Another needed measure for overcoming the negative conditions of precarious- ness is effective social work with its reviving of values of life and people abilities by means of social services in the present world. Social work with its professional and ethical strength can enable the necessary "par- ticipative" and "empowerment" changes in policy and politics on the local, national and international levels and development towards social cohesion and sustainability in society.
The authors of the article state that the development of precariat is a social phenomenon produced by the neoliberal political and economic project, for the scientific analysis of which both worldwide and in Lithu- ania, according to the authors, insufficient attention is paid. The article introduces a qualitative analysis reviewing the formation and develop- ment of precariat, as a comparatively new qualitative economic-social phenomenon. The influence of this phenomenon for various areas of the societal life has not raised any doubts recently, yet they have huge influence on such areas as closer and more distant work environment, the opportunities of social dialogue and social security of employees. Theoretically it is not clear if the development of precariat should be considered as the formation of "some kind of class" with its own attrib- utes, or "work status", where an employee is merely short of a number of things within his work environment and his social security rights are not ensured. Even though for some "voluntary" precariat representatives such unstable, "unbound" situation associates with the "economics of happiness", for many members of involuntary precariat it marks a much greater exploitation by the employers, less security, "dequalification" and worse rights in the area of social security. At the end of the article the authors provide their conclusions and pro- posals regarding the issues related to the undefined status of precariat, as well as possible solutions. Increasing the scope of social security and the ensuring the guarantees of self-employed is one of the measures in socially oriented countries to solve the issues related to the precariat. Allocation of basic, universal income for all residents is one of the pos- sibly effective measures in improving the situation of precariat and other residents and ensuring social safeness in modern world. Another needed measure for overcoming the negative conditions of precarious- ness is effective social work with its reviving of values of life and people abilities by means of social services in the present world. Social work with its professional and ethical strength can enable the necessary "par- ticipative" and "empowerment" changes in policy and politics on the local, national and international levels and development towards social cohesion and sustainability in society.
In the article the significance of national cultures for effectiveness of public sector's and public administration modernization reforms is analyzed with the aim of creation of public value abstractedly – on the governance macro level, as well as on administration meza level – concretely and adequately corresponding to the trajectories of national states and national cultures development. The importance of national cultures in the article is analyzed in such dimensions as acquired status, length of service, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, contradiction with hierarchy, standpoint of time, universalism and particularism, integration, individualism and collectivism, masculinity and femininity. It is made a conclusion that these components of national cultures can influence the nature, the time intervals and the successes or failures of public sector's and public administration modernization reforms. In the article it is argued that above mentioned components in public sector's organizations may influence such managerial processes as control, specific leadership style, choose of social coordination types by more to consensus search orientated democratic forms. It is necessary to stress also the processual or results based organizations orientation, as well as specific preference motivation systems and salaries schemes in public service. The components of national cultures are essential also for often found organizations structures analysis in the public sector, as well as their impact for such processes as planning, education in public service, admission and following the rules, identity and risk tolerance, structuration and fragmentation of public sector's problems. The managerial concepts are formed in the specific geographical area by implementing public sector's modernization reforms and are not necessary compatible culturally with the components of other society's cultural components. [.]
