Suchergebnisse

In 2001, i.e. the beginning of the recent decentralization process that facilitated Indonesia's transition from a highly centralized patrimonial regime to a liberal democracy with a significant degree of regional autonomy, local economies were suddenly exposed to accelerated deregulation and globalization. As was described by Karl Polanyi for similar processes in 19th and early 20th Century Europe, the regions have reacted to the boosted dis-embedding of their economy by making use of their new legislative authorities in order to re-embed economy into local society. In Bali, a major international tourist destination famous for its cultural attractions, the provincial parliament initiated the juridification of local culture in order to secure privileged access to local natural and cultural resources for the local Hindu-Balinese citizenry. In the event, Balinese political and religious leaders also harnessed the discourse and programs of national and international cultural heritage organizations to authenticate and copyright Balinese sacred traditions. This article argues that all these efforts at juridifying local culture have indeed partially succeeded in re-embedding Bali's tourism-driven economy into local society. However, this re-embedding does not seem to have strengthened traditional values and solidarity systems, as the entrepreneurial spirit has taken over Balinese community life.

Abstract
The essentialist critique of liberal multiculturalism highlights the fact that the latter is inadvertently wedded to a collective cultural identity politics, which has encouraged the reification and rigidification of group identities. Foregrounding difference and preservationist attitudes, such identity politics tend to neglect the development of bridging social capital, and to undermine the emancipatory potential of liberal multicultural societies. In this article, I first seek to substantiate how pluralism in post-Suharto Indonesia has been articulated as liberal multiculturalism through increasing legal accommodation of certain ethnic, as well as conservative Muslim norms and institutions. Analysing how ethnic and religious identities have become more and more rigidly defined in the process, I then gauge the prospects of pluralism in the light of Rainer Forst's four conceptions of tolerance.

The article discusses the politics of taxonomy that drive the entangled dynamics of religionisation and secularisation of ethnic traditions in postcolonial Indonesia, and the associated sociopolitical context. Defined in accordance with both emic notions of agamasasi (religionisation) and the concept of religion-making originally advanced by Arvind-Pal S. Mandair and Markus Dressler in 2011, "religionisation" relates to three interrelated processes that have had distinct ramifications in the different periods of postcolonial Indonesian history: (1) the way in which the Indonesian state has reified and institutionalised 'religion' as a monotheistic, revealed, and scriptural world religion; (2) the state-sanctioned positioning of 'religion' as distinct from local forms of spiritual belief, resulting in the desacralisation and secularisation of the latter; and (3) the way in which adherents of ethnic spiritualities have reframed and transformed their respective traditions in order to reflect the state-defined notion of 'religion,' and, in doing so, also accepted and strengthened the state discourse of development and modernity. The article also supports Nils Bubandt's observation that the boundaries between the secular and the spiritual have always remained porous in Indonesian society as even so-called secular Indonesian politicians have tended to fall back on locally flavoured mystical or magical beliefs and practices in order to secure their political power.

The article discusses the politics of taxonomy that drive the entangled dynamics of religionisation and secularisation of ethnic traditions in postcolonial Indonesia, and the associated sociopolitical context. Defined in accordance with both emic notions of agamasasi (religionisation) and the concept of religion-making originally advanced by Arvind-Pal S. Mandair and Markus Dressler in 2011, "religionisation" relates to three interrelated processes that have had distinct ramifications in the different periods of postcolonial Indonesian history: (1) the way in which the Indonesian state has reified and institutionalised 'religion' as a monotheistic, revealed, and scriptural world religion; (2) the state-sanctioned positioning of 'religion' as distinct from local forms of spiritual belief, resulting in the desacralisation and secularisation of the latter; and (3) the way in which adherents of ethnic spiritualities have reframed and transformed their respective traditions in order to reflect the state-defined notion of 'religion,' and, in doing so, also accepted and strengthened the state discourse of development and modernity. The article also supports Nils Bubandt's observation that the boundaries between the secular and the spiritual have always remained porous in Indonesian society as even so-called secular Indonesian politicians have tended to fall back on locally flavoured mystical or magical beliefs and practices in order to secure their political power.

EDITORIALMarco Bünte 5 THEMENSCHWERPUNKT Martin Ramstedt, Martin Slama, Christian Warta Einführung 7 Franz von Benda-Beckmann, Keebet von Benda-Beckmann Kulturkampf in Minangkabau: Der neue alte Streit um die wahre minangkabausche Identität in der Zeit der Reformasi 12 Sabine Zurschmitten Kommerzialisierung, Inszenierung und Revitalisierung: Gegenwärtige Auseinandersetzungen um adat im Distrikt West Manggarai (West Flores) 28 Martin Ramstedt Das Branding von "Bali" nach Suharto: Regionale Autonomie, globaler Tourismus und die Juridifizierung des lokalen Kulturerbes 48 Christian Warta The Holy Way, Inc.: Papuas heilige Pfade in Politik und Wirtschaft 62 Martin Slama Wisata Religi - Religiöser Tourismus: Spirituelle Ökonomien und islamische Machtkämpfe in Indonesien 77 Judith Schlehe Moderne Paranormale als spirituelle UnternehmerInnen in Indonesien? 95