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This article proffers a critical appraisal of South Africa's constitutional perspective of the right to human dignity, fundamentally considerate of past injustices, upon which the post-1994 dispensation's natural socio-political obligations are predicated. The article reaffirms the strength found in the notion of human dignity as an essential doctrine and yardstick in the interpretation, application, enforcement and development of human rights and the wellbeing of humans in general. However, it stresses that redressing the past injustices requires going beyond the constitutionally entrenched norms. That, the struggle against apartheid was predominantly predicated on restoring dignity among the oppressed proletariat, achieving a better life, and not about producing the so called 'best constitution' in the world. That is, the rights narrative which does nothing to foster a social commitment and humanitarian progress is fundamentally hollow, and thus will not deliver the dream of a better life for all. It is however asserted that South Africa has succeeded in embedding the strong norms at the bedrock of the social and legal systems. Nonetheless, these norms have not meaningfully infused into social realities towards realising human wellbeing. This has been and continues to be hampered by lack of political commitment by state functionaries, and somewhat wrong choice in policy directives, exacerbated by external influences.

Abstract
The object of this article is to present a critical analysis of the impact of the notion of 'VIPsm', a phenomenon through which human beings are socially 'categorized' or 'classed' according to status or wealth or position being held in society. The article is predicated on South Africa's discernible constitutional pursuit of attaining social stability and equitable social justice. This work is also considerate of the country's known unpleasant history of apartheid's acute race-based social exclusions, and in contrast, the post 1994 persistent social and economic inequalities which thus far proliferates material disadvantage, poverty, social discontent and protests amongst citizens. The article employed 'Transformational Leadership theory 'and 'Power and Influence theories' as tools of analysis, given that the Constitution, 1996 is transformative in nature and thus require 'transformational leaders' in order to achieve its major goal of burying wounds of the past, to build one unified nation that is socially stable. It is asserted that social challenges and superfluous differential treatment of humans besieging contemporary South Africa are suggestive of the presence of leadership that is self-centered, opulence driven, and has little or no regard for the poor and thus, disfavor the solidarity principle.

Abstract
This article explores prospects of using Ubuntu and Capabilities Approach to expand the scope of humanitarian action, to design one which serves humanity better even in the absence of disaster to essentially fulfil human development needs. It is considerate of the fact that humanitarian works contributes immensely in determining the extent to which humanity thrives. The traditional view on humanitarianism presupposes action-driven initiatives geared towards devising interventions to restore or reinforce human social order, improve livelihoods and quality of life. In sociological terms, human development is dependent on realizing and safeguarding, amongst others, human well-being, civil liberties and social security. The article utilizes core values enshrined in Ubuntu, Africa's historic philosophy of life, and Amartya Sen's Capabilities Approach as tools of analysis, with the view to expressing how to operationalize what should be considered stable humanitarian conditions and human well-being. Owing to persistent socio-economic challenges, especially the poverty problem, it is asserted that humanitarian action ought to depart from being a post-disaster intervention strategy, to being a pro-active and preventative pre-disaster orientated action, intended to nurture well-being and resultantly enable human development.

This article reflect on the extent to which contract of employment, legislative provisions and collective bargaining assist in protecting employees in the modern labour relations. Contract of employment has traditionally been known as a vital document holistically regulating the symbiotic employer-employee relationship. However, its common law perspective perpetuates inequalities as it fails to accommodate and resolve the inequalities of bargaining power between these parties. It also regards the parties as master (employer) and servant (employee). It is aloof to collective regulation of the employment relationship, meaning that it does not embrace collective bargaining. It was against this backdrop that countries including South Africa, promulgated laws entrenching protection of workers labour rights. Thus, the statutory provisions are a workable framework in protecting employees as rights to associate and bargain freely got entrenched. It is asserted that the basis of strength regarding contract of employment is fading owing to contemporary trends of employment. This includes externalization, casualization and informalization of work. These trends have alienated a huge net of workers from statutory protection. Because, the modern standard model of employment is of inherent variability, it is high time that our legislative authorities, courts and competent tribunals innovate effective responses towards expanding labour legislative boundaries to benefit those in desperate need. This is achievable through strategic interpretation of the Constitution to augment its transformative ideals of advancing social justice.

This article reflects on the transformative nature of South Africa's Constitution, looking at the past 20 years of a widely celebrated democracy. The article discusses the successful entrenchment of institutional framework and challenges facing transformative constitutionalism (TC). South Africa's history for the better part of the 20th century reveals a variety of historical phenomena ranging from colonisation, unjust legal systems and other discriminatory practices. This bred a society of extreme imbalances and socio-economic inequalities. Post 1994, a reconstruction and development agenda became a priority, resulting in TC, a project which adopted the stance of transforming the society by redressing the injustices of the past, to create a much just society grounded in law. It has a foundational mandate to heal the wounds of the past. This entails that the societal challenges can best be addressed using the supreme law in the Constitution, as the basis for societal transformation. The 1994 dispensation has had to embrace the notion of democracy, culture of human rights according to established international norms and standards, and uphold the rule of law. While South Africa has made notable progress in many respects, the country faces new challenges that threaten the prospects of the TC. Hence, the survival of TC depends largely on the political will to address these challenges. It is also indispensable to propagate for citizenry education to foster active participation and understanding of democratic system for the sustenance of transformation ideals of the Constitution. Further that the success of TC depends on government's absolute support for chapter 9 institutions and preserving judicial independence. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p887

This article proffers a critical discussion on the right to basic education in South Africa. It argues that access to basic education is society's crucial developmental aspect. Further that minimal or lack of commitment and respect for education largely impact adversely on the realization of Millennium Development Goals, and constitute a recipe for disaster in any country. The article is a product of distress subsequent to a dismal experience resultant from a failure by Limpopo Department of Basic Education to honour and carry out its obligations of providing and delivering textbooks. Provision of textbooks to schools constitute state's non-derogable duty which is indispensable in reinforcing the transformative ideals of the Constitution, that aid the commitment of realizing the right to basic education and uplifting societal literacy. It is argued that nationwide workshops and campaigns ought to be carried out in view of propagating for respect, care and commitment to deliver quality basic education to the populace. Further that there exists a desperate need for a reinforced system that ensures quality leadership and accountability for the progressive realization of this essential right. The South African Constitution, other legislation, international instruments, articles and case law were utilized in the completion of this article. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p1120

Abstract
Police brutality is a highly charged topic which has been prevalent both locally and internationally. Scholars contend that theory-based research has recently emerged to precisely explain this police behaviour. There are theorists from several schools of thought who seek to attribute causality for police violence. In this article, three of the more popular existing theories will be examined: social conflict theory, symbolic interactionism, and the control balance theory. To this end, the article has three objectives. Firstly, it scrutinises the relevant theories dealing with the issue of police brutality. Secondly, it discusses the relevant domestic and international instruments that seek to address the problem of police brutality. Lastly, this article makes recommendations regarding how the system of policing in South Africa can be revamped.