Suchergebnisse

International audience ; In this article, we propose an original method combining large-scale network and lexicometric analysis to link identifiable communities of Twitter users with the main discursive themes they used in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, France in 2015. We used this method to compare tweets and user networks in French and in English. We observed that the majority of the users who tweeted about Charlie Hebdo were people without any particular affiliation, who were shocked by the attacks and immediately expressed themselves through emotionally charged messages. But rather quickly their proportion decreased and they participated less in politically polarizing discussions. On the other hand, we found that smaller, highly politicized, and polarized groups had similar attitudes toward the events: they were less engaged immediately after the attacks in emotional expression of sympathy and shock, but they participated vividly in the following days in polemical discussions or engaged themes. Other findings include the central position of mainstream media and the existence of groups of users that aggregated on the basis of nationality. More generally, our results show clearly that even the most dramatic events such as a terrorist attack with innocent victims do not produce homogeneous reactions online. Rather, political engagement and cultural dispositions are keys to understand different attitudes on Twitter.

International audience ; In this article, we propose an original method combining large-scale network and lexicometric analysis to link identifiable communities of Twitter users with the main discursive themes they used in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, France in 2015. We used this method to compare tweets and user networks in French and in English. We observed that the majority of the users who tweeted about Charlie Hebdo were people without any particular affiliation, who were shocked by the attacks and immediately expressed themselves through emotionally charged messages. But rather quickly their proportion decreased and they participated less in politically polarizing discussions. On the other hand, we found that smaller, highly politicized, and polarized groups had similar attitudes toward the events: they were less engaged immediately after the attacks in emotional expression of sympathy and shock, but they participated vividly in the following days in polemical discussions or engaged themes. Other findings include the central position of mainstream media and the existence of groups of users that aggregated on the basis of nationality. More generally, our results show clearly that even the most dramatic events such as a terrorist attack with innocent victims do not produce homogeneous reactions online. Rather, political engagement and cultural dispositions are keys to understand different attitudes on Twitter.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

International audience ; In this article, we propose an original method combining large-scale network and lexicometric analysis to link identifiable communities of Twitter users with the main discursive themes they used in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, France in 2015. We used this method to compare tweets and user networks in French and in English. We observed that the majority of the users who tweeted about Charlie Hebdo were people without any particular affiliation, who were shocked by the attacks and immediately expressed themselves through emotionally charged messages. But rather quickly their proportion decreased and they participated less in politically polarizing discussions. On the other hand, we found that smaller, highly politicized, and polarized groups had similar attitudes toward the events: they were less engaged immediately after the attacks in emotional expression of sympathy and shock, but they participated vividly in the following days in polemical discussions or engaged themes. Other findings include the central position of mainstream media and the existence of groups of users that aggregated on the basis of nationality. More generally, our results show clearly that even the most dramatic events such as a terrorist attack with innocent victims do not produce homogeneous reactions online. Rather, political engagement and cultural dispositions are keys to understand different attitudes on Twitter.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

International audience ; In this article, we propose an original method combining large-scale network and lexicometric analysis to link identifiable communities of Twitter users with the main discursive themes they used in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, France in 2015. We used this method to compare tweets and user networks in French and in English. We observed that the majority of the users who tweeted about Charlie Hebdo were people without any particular affiliation, who were shocked by the attacks and immediately expressed themselves through emotionally charged messages. But rather quickly their proportion decreased and they participated less in politically polarizing discussions. On the other hand, we found that smaller, highly politicized, and polarized groups had similar attitudes toward the events: they were less engaged immediately after the attacks in emotional expression of sympathy and shock, but they participated vividly in the following days in polemical discussions or engaged themes. Other findings include the central position of mainstream media and the existence of groups of users that aggregated on the basis of nationality. More generally, our results show clearly that even the most dramatic events such as a terrorist attack with innocent victims do not produce homogeneous reactions online. Rather, political engagement and cultural dispositions are keys to understand different attitudes on Twitter.

International audience ; In this article, we propose an original method combining large-scale network and lexicometric analysis to link identifiable communities of Twitter users with the main discursive themes they used in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks in Paris, France in 2015. We used this method to compare tweets and user networks in French and in English. We observed that the majority of the users who tweeted about Charlie Hebdo were people without any particular affiliation, who were shocked by the attacks and immediately expressed themselves through emotionally charged messages. But rather quickly their proportion decreased and they participated less in politically polarizing discussions. On the other hand, we found that smaller, highly politicized, and polarized groups had similar attitudes toward the events: they were less engaged immediately after the attacks in emotional expression of sympathy and shock, but they participated vividly in the following days in polemical discussions or engaged themes. Other findings include the central position of mainstream media and the existence of groups of users that aggregated on the basis of nationality. More generally, our results show clearly that even the most dramatic events such as a terrorist attack with innocent victims do not produce homogeneous reactions online. Rather, political engagement and cultural dispositions are keys to understand different attitudes on Twitter.

International audience ; A textometric approach is used here to study relations between the content of three political parties' websites (Front National, Parti socialiste, and Europe Ecologie Les Verts). Beyond a classical description of automatic lexical classifications (Reinert, 1983, implemented in the Iramuteq software), new approaches (analysis of lexical correspondences of classes stemming from independent analyses; hierarchical representation of inter-textual distances) highlight not only the internal lexical organization of political parties, but also the convergences and divergences of themes between parties. These dynamics of lexicalization are interpreted in terms of appropriation of the lexical register and thus, through social-language marking (Scherer & Giles, 1980), bring into play processes of acceptability and distinctiveness. Such processes structure the relations of alliance and opposition within and between groups, as well as their expression in political parties' communication. ; Une approche textométrique permet d'étudier les relations entre les contenus des sites Web de trois partis politiques (Front National, Parti socialiste, Europe Écologie Les Verts). Au-delà d'une description classique des classifications lexicales automatiques (Reinert, 1983, implémentée dans le logiciel Iramuteq), de nouvelles approches (analyse des correspondances lexicales de classes issues d'analyses indépendantes ; représentation arborée des distances intertextuelles) mettent en évidence, non seulement les organisations lexicales internes des partis politiques, mais également les convergences et divergences des thématiques entre les partis. Ces dynamiques de lexicalisation sont interprétées en termes d'appropriation du registre lexical pour faire jouer, au travers des marquages socio-langagiers (Scherer et Giles, 1980), des processus d'acceptabilité et de distinctivité qui structurent les rapports d'alliance et d'opposition intra- et intergroupes et leur expression dans la communication des partis politiques.

Résumé: Notre article propose d'appliquer une méthode innovante combinant analyse de graphes et analyse lexicométrique sur un large échantillon de messages postés sur Twitter au moment de l'attaque de Charlie Hebdo. Notre étude contredit, au moins partiellement, l'idée que l'attaque contre Charlie Hebdo a produit un point de vue unanime. On s'aperçoit d'abord que les échanges sur Twitter à ce sujet ont été structurés fortement par une logique d'homophilie politique. Ensuite, si la condamnation et l'indignation semblent constituer la norme pour la grande majorité des commentaires, il apparaît aussi que le positionnement politique demeure un puissant facteur de différenciation du discours adopté mais aussi des thématiques et des sources privilégiées Mots-clés : Charlie Hebdo, Twitter, controverse, websphère***Abstract: Our paper applies an innovative method combining network and disours analysis on a big sample of tweets posted at the moment of the attack against Charlie Hebdo. Our study contradict, at least partially, the idea that the attack against Charlie Hebdo produced a unanimous point of view. We notice first that exchanges on Twitter about the events were highly structured by political homophily. Then, if condemnation and outrage seem to be the norm for the vast majority of comments, it also appears that political positioning remains a powerful differentiator when it comes to the kind of discourse used as well as privileged themes and news sources. Keywords: Charlie Habdo, Twitter, controversy, web sphere

Our paper applies an innovative method combining network and disours analysis on a big sample of tweets posted at the moment of the attack against Charlie Hebdo. Our study contradict, at least partially, the idea that the attack against Charlie Hebdo produced a unanimous point of view. We notice first that exchanges on Twitter about the events were highly structured by political homophily. Then, if condemnation and outrage seem to be the norm for the vast majority of comments, it also appears that political positioning remains a powerful differentiator when it comes to the kind of discourse used as well as privileged themes and news sources.

Les périodes précédant une élection présidentielle sont propices au dévoilement des ambitions personnelles qui conduisent à des stratégies complexes pour apparaître comme une personnalité forte et distincte tout en représentant au mieux le parti dont on brigue l'investiture. Être à la fois soi et les autres implique d'adopter une posture crédible et attractive. L'analyse lexicométrique d'un ouvrage politique collectif intitulé Les 12 travaux de l'opposition : Nos projets pour redresser la France, publié par l'UMP (2014) permet de définir trois postures sociodiscursives, que nous appelons généraliste (être visionnaire), spécialiste (être compétent dans un domaine) et polémiste (être combatif à l'égard des adversaires). On analyse également les risques qu'il y a à trop investir une posture ou à se situer à leur intersection. ; Les périodes précédant une élection présidentielle sont propices au dévoilement des ambitions personnelles qui conduisent à des stratégies complexes pour apparaître comme une personnalité forte et distincte tout en représentant au mieux le parti dont on brigue l'investiture. Être à la fois soi et les autres implique d'adopter une posture crédible et attractive. L'analyse lexicométrique d'un ouvrage politique collectif intitulé Les 12 travaux de l'opposition : Nos projets pour redresser la France, publié par l'UMP (2014) permet de définir trois postures sociodiscursives, que nous appelons généraliste (être visionnaire), spécialiste (être compétent dans un domaine) et polémiste (être combatif à l'égard des adversaires). On analyse également les risques qu'il y a à trop investir une posture ou à se situer à leur intersection.