Suchergebnisse

Gezi protests which began as a reaction against the AKP's authoritarian intervention into urban space in May 2013, in a short time, turned into a country-wide social movement that brought the various components of the society that have different political/ ideological tendencies together around a demand for democratic and pluralistic governance. In this social picture, Turkish nationalist discourse with its hybrid and complex content, and its eclectic, flexible and nonhomogeneous structure inevitably attained its own place. Unlike the primordialist approaches to nationalism which considers nations as preexisting structures, modernist theoreticians embrace it as an invented and imagined product of social engineering. This understanding which focuses on political institutions and actors overlooks the role of everyday life and individuals, as the real carriers of nationalism and national identity, in the story of nationalism. However, everyday nationalism conception on which this study will be based focuses on how nationalist discourses and symbols are internalized and reproduced by ordinary people in everyday life experiences with a micro sociological perspective. Hence, this study, benefiting from the concepts of "everyday nationalism", aims to investigate how people who participated in the Gezi protests in the summer of 2013 subjectively construct or reconstruct their nationhood in their own discourses and narratives about their Gezi experiences. Is the perception of nationalism of these Gezi supporters compatible with the official nationalist rhetoric? The study will be based on qualitative data obtained from deep interviews with approximately 10 respondents who participated in the Gezi protests in the summer of 2013. The research findings will be analyzed by using discourse and narrative analysis. Participants' perception of nationalism and their discursive construction of national identity in their everyday life will be traced through their experiences of Gezi protests.

The creation of a national economy within the new borders was one of the primary goals of the young cadres of the new Turkish Republic in the 1930's. The construction of new railways and the nationalization of existing companies were also seen as important steps towards the political and economic unification of the new state. Furthermore, industrialization and the creation of a Muslim Turkish bourgeoisie were seen as the main elements of national economic development. After 1929 World Economic Crisis, state-oriented economic policy was implemented in Turkey. In the framework of the principle of statism, state-led industrialization emerged as the government's economy policy in 1930. In 1933, Sümerbank was established. The First and Second Five-Year Industry Plans were prepared and implemented in 1934-1938. A significant portion of the investments was carried out by Sümerbank and İşbank. In Turkey between 1930 and 1940 many state-owned factories such as Karabük Iron- Steel Factory (1937) were established throughout the country for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries. For the government, these industrial developments were the most important part of the economic project which aimed creating a strong national economy. During the statist industrialization campaign of the 1930s, the government founded many industrial state economic enterprises. On the other hand, aside from their role in industrial development, state economic enterprises are charged with social goals as the major components of regional development and interregional integration. In this framework, state factories appeared as the major agents of integration of industry with the city and the provision of public services. It is important to note that state-owned factories went beyond being only a production plant in terms of that they provided other facilities such as housing, training activities played an important role in the formation of new cities. In this way, the industry complexes contributed to the urbanization required by the statist ...

İnternet kullanımı ve vatandaşların siyasal hayata katılımı arasındaki ilişki üzerine yürütülen tartışma iki ana yaklaşımdan beslenmektedir. Bir yanda, iyimser yaklaşımlar, sunduğu imkanlarla birlikte siyasal katılım biçimlerini dönüştüren internetin, kitle mobilizasyonu yoluyla da siyasal katılım oranını genel düzeyde arttırdığını savunurken; öte yandan, e-imza kampanyalarına, sosyal paylaşım sitelerinde örgütlenen gruplara va düzenlenen siyasal içerikli kampanyalara, kısa süreli boykotlara katılım gibi sanal faaliyetleri etkisiz ve ehemmiyetsiz eylemler olarak yorumlayan şüpheci bir yaklaşım söz konusudur. Bu makale, sosyal paylaşım siteleri tarafından sağlanan siyasal katılım olanaklarını, bir başka deyişle, sosyal medya aktivizmini yeni sosyal hareketler çerçevesinde değerlendirmeyi; bu yeni siyasal katılım biçiminin işlevselliğini, sağladığı olanakları ve sınırlılıklarını karşılaştırarak sorgulamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu noktadan hareketle, çalışmanın ilk bölümünde, yeni sosyal hareketler ile 1960'ların sonuna kadar toplumsal ve siyasal hayatın önemli bir aktörü olan, evrensellik idddiasına sahip, sınıfsallık temeline dayanan "eski" sosyal hareketler arasındaki temel yapısal ve ilkesel farklılıklar üzerinde durulacaktır. Çalışmanın devamında, sosyal medya aktivizmine demokratikleşme ve siyasal katılım bakımından olumlu bir anlam yükleyen ve bu yeni siyasal katılım formunun geleneksel kitle iletişim araçları karşısında daha işlevsel olduğunu savunan "iyimser" anlayış ve bu anlayışın sınırlı çerçevesini eleştirerek, sosyal medya aktivizmini siyasal katılımı güçlendiren bir unsur olarak görmenin sakıncalarına dikkat çeken "şüpheci" yaklaşım anlatılacaktır. Sosyal medya aktivizmi ve siyasal katılım arasındaki ilişkiye dair birbirine tamamen zıt değerlendirmeler getiren bu iki farklı anlayış arasındaki dikotomi, çalışmanın sonuç bölümünde tartışılacaktır. ; The discussion on the relation between internet use and citizens' civic and political engagement is conducted over two major paradigms. On the one hand, the ...

Pierre Bourdieu, one of the most important and influential figures of contemporary sociology, improves a multi-dimensional theoretical perspective on class relations and focuses economic, social, and cultural production of power. What makes his studies important is his emphasis on the interplay between structure and agency and his critical viewpoint against the role of cultural domain in the reproduction of class relations. His fundamental debate is based on the question of how social classes exist in the social, cultural and political fields. In this framework, he attracts attention on the production and the reproduction of class distinction in the various fields of life. In this way, he makes highly significant contributions to both class and cultural studies. The aim of this work is to understand the connection between the internalization of class divisions in society and cultural reproduction of these divisions by the way of educational system from Bourdieu's perspective. In this framework, firstly, the main lines of Bourdieu's methodology and the constructive notions of Bourdieu's conceptualization will be explained. Afterwards, the role of educational system in the reproduction of class relations in society is going to be mentioned.