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Abstract
Twenty-first century Bolivia witnessed indigenous resurgence and state promotion of indigenous languages. This article ethnographically examines the impact of these processes on indigenous language revitalization and ethnolinguistic identities in urban spaces. It reveals that language attrition continues because indigenous resurgence occurred at a time when language shift from Aymara to Spanish had already occurred in most households and schools were considered the spaces for learning Aymara. Moreover, although indigenous identity continues to be linked to language, linguistic proficiency no longer determines Aymara identity in a reductionist sense. Most contemporary Aymaras deploy a rhetoric that historically contextualizes the process of language attrition, thereby, asserting an anti-essentialist ethnolinguistic identity. This enables learning Aymara to be an aspiration that is highly valued but can be endlessly postponed. The article points out the limitations of state-led language revitalization policies and calls for creating synergies between state planning from above and communitarian initiatives from below.

Social movements and acts of protest have played significant roles in charting the path of Bolivian history. Massive waves of protest against neoliberalism led to the overthrow of two presidents from office and culminated in the victory of Evo Morales. The stability of the Morales government stands in stark contrast to the chronic political instability of the neoliberal era. This paper deals with the paradox of the persistence of acts of protest all over Bolivia and the stability of the political regime of Evo Morales. The paradox is explained through the use of the distinction between populist and institutionalist politics made by Ernesto Laclau. Politics in the neoliberal era was populist, where society was divided into two opposed camps through the construction of a 'people' against the regime. The era after the election of Evo Morales is characterized by institutionalist politics where each political demand is separately and unevenly absorbed into the system. The potential of acts of protest to cause political transformations at various levels depends on their ability to construct a hegemonic chain of equivalence against the system, and the failure to construct it has frustrated efforts to create a more radical alternative to the current government.

The port-city of Buenaventura (in the Colombian Pacific coast) is at the center of national and international geopolitical interest as "the capital of the Pacific Alliance", a US$ 3 trillion trade bloc formed by Mexico, Chile, Colombia and Peru to advance regional integration and cross-pacific trade. At the same time, the city is also known for extraordinary levels of gruesome violence, dismembered dead bodies that now and then appear floating in the low-tide area of port-expansion being its most visible aspect. In this article, we ask: How is racial terror tied to such a promising future for capitalist development? How can we theorize the dynamics of capital's flow, economic expansion and global integration in this Fanonian zone of nonbeing? To answer these questions, we first analyze the colonial geography of this predominantly Black port-city as well as its place in the geographic imaginary of Colombia. Then, in dialogue with literature on multiple dimensions of racial capitalism and structural antiblackness such as racialized surplus populations and social death, we analyze some spatial dynamics that dialectically produce Buenaventura simultaneously as a dystopic and a value-producing spatiality that repositions Colombia in the global economy. Finally, borrowing from Rhonda Williams' analysis of racialized dispossession as "accumulation-as-evisceration," we provide some reflection on the racially-driven eviscerating politics of capital- making in this port-city as it relates to current global geopolitics as well as to lasting antiblack injustices in Colombia and beyond.

Como reza el título de este libro, las nuevas derechas desafían gravemente las democracias actuales. En las páginas que siguen, un grupo de científicos sociales han sido capaces de analizar, a través de estudios de caso muy bien elegidos, algunas de las peligrosas consecuencias del ascenso de la extrema derecha y del (neo)fascismo en todo el mundo y, en el caso que nos ocupa, en América Latina. Solo así puede desenmascararse la falsa ambigüedad con que a veces se presenta, contribuyendo a un pensamiento crítico y a una conciencia crítica que resulta hoy de una necesidad imperiosa para sustentar y reforzar un imprescindible y militante sentimiento antifascista [Rafael Huertas]. ; CONTENIDO: Prólogo,Rafael Huertas – Introducción, Omar Alejandro Bravo -- Explorando las bases. Opinión pública y los sentidos de la derecha en Brasil y Colombia, Juan Albarracín -- El discurso del miedo como herramienta política e identitaria: los casos de Brasil y Colombia, Omar Alejandro Bravo--El derecho contra el "miedo": apuntes históricos y políticos sobre herramientas jurídicas contra "comunistas" y "disidentes" en Colombia,Mario Alberto Cajas Sarria -- Neocapitalismo, nueva extrema derecho y el sufrimiento psíquico, Manuel Desviat -- Simón Rodríguez y Paulo Freire: entre el amor y el entusiasmo en tiempos hostiles a una educación popular, Maximiliano Durán y Walter Omar Kohan -- Para que los "salvajes" no vuelvan al poder: Anatomía de la extrema derecha boliviana, Tathagatan Ravindran y Tatiana Lizondo Diaz -- ¿"Brasil por encima de todo"?: los nuevos rumbos de la política de acción afirmativa en Brasil, Hildeberto Vieira Martins -- Sobre los autores -- Índice temático ; Incluye referencias bibliográficas