Suchergebnisse

Providing a study of political communications that uses political events and debates to illustrate its arguments, this book examines the subject in its myriad forms as a way by which people join together, referendums, public opinion and how communications contribute to the process of democratization around the world

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1 A Brief International History of the Republic of China -- 2 Diplomacy and Propaganda -- 3 Diplomats, Propaganda and the Overseas Chinese -- 4 Taiwan's International Media and Diplomacy -- Conclusions -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y.

This volume concerns the origins, organisation and method of British, American and Soviet propaganda during the 1950s. Drawing upon a range of archival material which has only been accessible to researchers in the last few years, the authors discuss propaganda's international and domestic dimensions, and chart the development of a shared Cold War culture. They demonstrate how the structures of propaganda which were organised at this time endured, giving shape and meaning to the remaining years of the Cold War

Radio Diplomacy and Propaganda investigates the role of international radio broadcasting in diplomacy during the Cold War period and, in particular, the contribution of the BBC and the Voice of America in the construction and projection of foreign policy, together with their role in the dissemination of international propaganda. In addition the radio broadcasts which were monitored in Britain and the US are scrutinized to ascertain how they contributed to the formulation of foreign policy objectives and reactionary propaganda

This is an introduction by the guest editor to the topical section on 'Taiwan, Public Diplomacy, and the World Health Assembly' of this issue of the International Journal of Taiwan Studies. The selected four papers, after a double-blind peer review process, were initially presented at a workshop entitled 'Public Diplomacy and Taiwan's Campaign to Join the wha', organised by the Global Communications Research Centre, Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University, 28 March 2018.

Accepting that Taiwan has accumulated "soft power" since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications. (China Q/GIGA)

International broadcasting remains a key activity in public diplomacy. In this Introduction I discuss how international broadcasting has long been associated with the projection of foreign policy interests, from an instrument of empire
building in the 1920s and 1930s, through the Cold War and beyond. In particular, the Introduction evaluates how modern Information Communications Technologies, especially the internet and social media, have transformed the way international
broadcasting contributes to public diplomacy. (author's abstract)

China and Russia have devoted significant resources to developing their international broadcasting capacity as an instrument of public diplomacy. Focusing on CCTV-N (China) and RT (Russia), this article discusses the strategies each has developed to communicate with international audiences and further the foreign policy ambitions of policy makers in Beijing and Moscow. It highlights the differences between the two stations – namely CCTV-N's ambition to rectify perceived distortions in the global flow of news about China, and RT's focus on reporting events in the US. Hence the case studies expose the fine line between propaganda and public diplomacy.

This paper analyses how Taiwan exercises "soft power" and uses public diplomacy to engage with the international community, and to compensate for the absence of formal diplomatic relations with major powers. The research suggests that Taiwan's strategies of international engagement are constrained by its external and internal political environments. The international system (structure) has locked Taiwan into a set of challenging arrangements over which it has little control or influence, while Taiwan's public diplomacy architecture and the activities organised and undertaken by its government agencies in Taibei and its representatives abroad (agency) reveal, at best, a misunderstanding of how Taiwan's soft power might be exercised more effectively. The strategic thematic choices of legitimacy (invoking Taiwan's international status) versus credibility (which in soft power terms offers the most benefit), and the decision to privilege cultural over political themes in international communications, all have profound effects on the success of Taiwan's soft power. (JCCA/GIGA)

The Chinese entered the Korean War one year after the creation of the People's Republic of China. Given the considerable economic, social and political problems facing the new state after decades of foreign occupation and civil war, how did the new Communist Government of China persuade both the people and the military to intervene in a foreign war? Described as the 'Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea' and an opportunity to 'Beat American Arrogance', the propaganda promoted the Korean War as a chance to challenge the US presence in Asia, and project China's rise as a regional, if not a world power. More important, the propaganda indicates the war was used to strengthen the Communist Party's domestic support and legitimacy, mobilize the population around the party's agenda (especially its vision of a 'new' China), and help consolidate the party's authority in the immediate aftermath of the civil war. Focusing primarily on posters, this article chronicles the development of propaganda themes and methods against the background of first Chinese hesitation to enter the Korean War and then acceptance of a prolonged war by the end of the first year.