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"Racial Stereotyping in Political Decision Making" published on by Oxford University Press.

Objective. If racial considerations influenced the outcome of the 2008 presidential election, then how did they shape the campaign, why did race matter, and for whom were such considerations important? I hypothesize that various racial attitudes exert unique influences on voters' support of Obama and that the effects of these attitudes differ by race.Methods. Using a Time Magazine poll, I distinguish between "attitudes regarding Obama's 'Blackness'" and "opinions about race relations," and I examine such sentiments among White and African‐American respondents.Results. Regardless of race, Obama support was highest among voters who were "comfortable" with Black candidates. However, increased optimism with racial progress had no effect on Blacks' voting intentions, and it actually lowered Obama support among Whites.Conclusion. The conventional wisdom is that African Americans "backed Barack because he is Black"; I demonstrate that Obama's race mattered more to White voters than it did to Blacks.

This paper elucidates a theory of identity formation and applies it to the study of international negotiation. The theory acknowledges that actors/agents can adopt a multiplicity of identities, and it treats changes in the salience of identities as endogenous to the contextually dependent processes of interpersonal and intergroup interactions. Typically, strong identities are viewed as encouraging conflict and exacerbating interstate disputes. Our theory, however, suggests a palliative role for identity: third-party mediation can more effectivelyresolveconflicts when it enhances shared, if initially less salient, aspects of the disputants' identities. We discuss several causal pathways through which the process of enhancing identity salience can increase the likelihood of successful conflict resolution, providing a complementary mechanism for the effectiveness of mediation to those extant in the literature. The paper concludes with a practical method for applying the theory's insights to the choice of mediator and the mediator's technique.

Given America's widespread contempt for Islamic extremists, Obama's Muslim-sounding moniker could have cost him electoral support. Consequently, anecdotal evidence suggests that Obama played a 'name game' in which he deflected suspicions about his religious background by avoiding use of his middle name (Hussein) and minimizing the frequency with which his opponents used it. Did the presentation of Obama's name affect how voters evaluated him? Results from a web-based experiment suggest that the answer varies by political orientation. Among Republicans and conservatives, Obama's favorability ratings are generally lower when his middle name is present. Name presentation had little effect on Democrats and liberals, and moderates and independents rated the president more favorably when his middle name appeared. Regardless of party identification or political ideology, name presentation had no effect on the probability of voting for Obama. Adapted from the source document.

To explore the evolution of political-science research on race, Walton et al., have done a systematic review of more than a century of publications appearing in the discipline's oldest and most prestigious journals: Political Science Quarterly and the American Political Science Review, respectively. Walton and his colleagues uncover "dual traditions" of race scholarship: an "African American Politics" (AAP) paradigm emphasizing empowerment and Blacks' cultural distinctiveness, and a "Race Relations Politics" (RRP) approach that focuses on Blacks' socio-political status vis-à-vis Whites. Using computer-assisted text analyses, we introduce a measure of racial dialogue that is informed by theory and has suitable empirical properties. We replicate and extend Walton's research by adding a third periodical (the Journal of Politics) and demonstrating that, while race conversations are becoming more frequent over time, the dialogues taking place in mainstream journals typically fit Walton's RRP (rather than AAP) tradition. Following our analyses, we offer guidelines for researchers seeking to apply our measure to alternative contexts.

We define racial transcendence as an elevated status in which evaluations of an individual are no longer shaped by the race of the attitudinal target or the race of the person making the evaluations. Observers argue that Oprah Winfrey transcends race, meaning that she is just as likely to receive support from non-Blacks as she is from fellow Blacks. But this argument may not follow when Oprah moves into the political arena. We use two surveys to demonstrate this: The first survey supports Winfrey's transcendence, while we see in-group support in the second. We find that Oprah enjoys her greatest support among racial fellows, and her favorability flows along the lines of race and gender: Her greatest supporters are Black women. Oprah's ability to offer political cues also flows along lines of race and gender: Those most likely to be influenced by her Obama endorsement are Black women.

ABSTRACTRecent events have led to a renewed conversation surrounding the relevance and potential removal of Confederate monuments around the country, and several monuments have already been removed. However, we have little insight to explain why some monuments have been removed while others remain. This article seeks to understand the social and political determinants that can better explain the recent removal of Confederate monuments throughout the United States. Analyzing results from an original dataset of Confederate monuments, we identify which local government structures and racial and civic characteristics best predict the removal of these monuments. Ultimately, although we find that other factors contribute to monument removal, the size of the black population, the presence of a National Association for the Advancement of Colored People chapter, and the percentage of Democrats in a county in which a monument exists—as well as whether the monument exists in a state that constrains removal by legislative decree—best predict whether a Confederate monument will be taken down. This project elucidates the interplay of race, partisanship, and local and statewide politics as it relates to the dismantling of Confederate monuments.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction: There's No Such Thing as a "Black President" -- Part I. Constituencies -- 1. Race, Trust, and the American Presidency: Black- White Confidence in the Executive Branch in the Obama Era and Beyond -- 2. Invitations to the Dance: The Obama Administration's Complex Engagement with Black Elected Officials and Advocacy Groups -- 3. The "Obama Effect" Revisited: A Macrolevel and Longitudinal Exploration of the Influence of Barack Obama's Media Presence on Racialized Political Party Polarization -- 4. "It's Complicated": The Obama Administration's Relationship with Black Faith Communities and Lessons for Future Presidents -- 5. Obama, African American Women, and the Limitations of the Politics of Recognition -- 6. Moving the Needle? Obama, Targeted Universalism, and the Black LGBTQ Community -- Part II. Public Policies -- 7. Black Federal Judges and Civil Rights in the Age of Obama -- 8. Monumental Promises, Incremental Gains: Criminal Justice Reform in the Obama Era -- 9. What about Black Women? How Economic Policies Targeting Urban Americans Disappear Black Women -- 10. Barack Obama and the Racial Politics of the Affordable Care Act -- 11. Race, Real Estate, and Responsiveness: The Obama Administration's Legacy on Housing Policy and Outcomes -- 12. The Obama Era and Black Attitudes toward Undocumented Immigration Policies -- 13. Foreign Policy during and after Barack Obama -- Conclusion: The Next "Black President" and the Next Black Politics -- About the Editors -- About the Contributors -- Index