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This article focuses on the effects of group‐based emotions for in‐group wrongdoing on attitudes towards seemingly unrelated groups. Two forms of shame are distinguished from one another and from guilt and linked to positive and negative attitudes towards an unrelated minority. In Study 1 (N = 203), Germans' feelings of moral shame—arising from the belief that the in‐group's Nazi past violates an important moral value—are associated with increased support for Turks living in Germany. Image shame—arising from a threatened social image—is associated with increased social distance. In Study 2 (N = 301), Britons' emotions regarding atrocities committed by in‐group members during the war in Iraq have similar links with attitudes towards Pakistani immigrants. We extend the findings of Study 1 by demonstrating that the effects are mediated by a sense of moral obligation and observed more strongly when the unrelated group is perceived as similar to the harmed group. Guilt was unrelated to any outcome variable across both studies. Theoretical and practical implications about the nature of group‐based emotions and their potential for affecting wider intergroup relations are discussed.

Gesellschaftlicher Zusammenhalt besteht nicht von selbst, sondern ist auf bestimmte Mechanismen seiner Genese angewiesen. Davon ausgehend beschäftigen sich die Beiträge dieses Bandes mit der Frage, welche Mechanismen dies konkret sind und wie sie sich hervorbringen lassen. Auf der Grundlage einer eigenen repräsentativen Panelstudie diskutieren sie, wie soziale Kohäsion auf lokaler Ebene etabliert und aufrechterhalten werden kann. Zugleich verdeutlichen ihre Analysen die Vielfalt der empirischen Erklärungsansätze gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalts.

In May 2011, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, head of the International Monetary Fund and a prominent member of the French Socialist Party, was charged with attempted rape. Extensive media coverage led people across the globe to speculate about intentions and responsibilities. While the case was pending, we conducted two parallel Internet surveys, with French and German participants (N = 1,314). We examined how strongly exoneration of the alleged perpetrator depended on acceptance of modern myths about sexual aggression (AMMSA) and identity attributes that are temporarily salient as a function of local context (gender, political left-right orientation, nationality). AMMSA was a global predictor of exonerating the alleged perpetrator across national sub-samples, whereas the predictive power of gender and left-right orientation varied locally: For French respondents, left-wing political attitudes predicted exoneration of the alleged perpetrator, whereas only for German respondents, being male predicted exoneration. We conclude that the interplay of global (sexual aggression myths) and local (social identification) factors affects the lay assessment of ambiguous cases of sexual violence. Adapted from the source document.

In May 2011, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, head of the International Monetary Fund and a prominent member of the French Socialist Party, was charged with attempted rape. Extensive media coverage led people across the globe to speculate about intentions and responsibilities. While the case was pending, we conducted two parallel Internet surveys, with French and German participants (N = 1,314). We examined how strongly exoneration of the alleged perpetrator depended on acceptance of modern myths about sexual aggression (AMMSA) and identity attributes that are temporarily salient as a function of local context (gender, political left-right orientation, nationality). AMMSA was a global predictor of exonerating the alleged perpetrator across national sub-samples, whereas the predictive power of gender and left-right orientation varied locally: For French respondents, left-wing political attitudes predicted exoneration of the alleged perpetrator, whereas only for German respondents, being male predicted exoneration. We conclude that the interplay of global (sexual aggression myths) and local (social identification) factors affects the lay assessment of ambiguous cases of sexual violence. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. Prior research has reported less favorable attitudes toward and more violent crimes against ethnic out-group members in East (vs. West) Germany. We conducted two pre-registered lost letter studies in West versus East German cities (Study 1, N = 400) and in West versus East German rural areas (Study 2, N = 400). To investigate supportive behavior regarding refugee integration, we manipulated the addressee (refugee-integration vs. immigration-stop projects). Contrary to predictions, letter return rates did not differ between West and East Germany. Across western and eastern German regions, return rates were higher for the refugee-integration project in urban areas while no differences emerged in rural areas. A pooled analysis found greater support for the refugee-integration (vs. immigration-stop) project.

Polarisierungen haben die Mitte der Gesellschaft erreicht und sie beeinflusst. In Teilen geht die herkömmliche Mitte verloren. Die Menschen wenden sich einer vermeintlich neuen, radikalen Mitte zu, die ihren Zusammenhalt aus der Abwertung von anderen schöpft. Das untersucht die aktuelle "Mitte-Studie" der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung anhand einer repräsentativen Bevölkerungsumfrage vom Herbst 2018. Die Autorinnen und Autoren analysieren die politischen und sozialen Einstellungen der Bundesbürgerinnen und -bürger und prüfen, wie fragil und gespalten die gesellschaftliche Mitte, die stets als Garant für Stabilität und feste Normen galt, heute ist. Rechtsextreme Gruppen treten öffentlichkeitswirksam an der Seite "normaler" Bürgerinnen und Bürger auf, rechtspopulistische Forderungen und Diskurse erhalten scheinbar immer mehr Raum in Politik und Debatte. Wie weit sind rechtsextreme, rechtspopulistische und menschenfeindliche Einstellungen in die Mitte der Gesellschaft eingedrungen? Haben Polarisierungen und Konflikte die Norm von der Gleichwertigkeit aller Gruppen verschoben? Ist die demokratische Mitte geschrumpft oder verloren? Antworten gibt die neue "Mitte-Studie", die seit 2002 antidemokratische Einstellungen in der deutschen Bevölkerung untersucht.

Selten war die gesellschaftliche Mitte so "gefordert" wie heute. Rechtsextremismus, Populismus, Rassismus setzen ihr zu. Alle zwei Jahre untersucht die Mitte-Studie der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung rechtsextreme und demokratiegefährdende Einstellungen in der deutschen Gesellschaft. Die aktuelle repräsentative Umfrage von Dezember 2020 bis Frühjahr 2021 zeigt: Die "Mitte" ist gefordert, Haltung zu zeigen, Position zu beziehen und ihre Demokratie zu stärken! Dazu hat sie das Potenzial. Hasskampagnen, Gewalt, rechter Terror und neue rechte Gruppen haben die Mitte in den vergangenen Jahren getroffen. Nun kommt die Coronapandemie mit globalen Unsicherheiten und unkalkulierbaren Folgekrisen dazu. Was heißt das für die demokratische Orientierung der Gesellschaft? Die hier vorliegende Mitte-Studie 2020/21 erkennt sowohl Entwicklungen, die die Demokratie fördern, als auch solche, die sie gefährden. Die Mitte selbst schätzt den Rechtsextremismus als größte Bedrohung für die Demokratie ein, und hierin liegt die Chance, ihm zu begegnen

Selten war die gesellschaftliche Mitte so "gefordert" wie heute. Rechtsextremismus, Populismus, Rassismus setzen ihr zu. Alle zwei Jahre untersucht die Mitte-Studie der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung rechtsextreme und demokratiegefährdende Einstellungen in der deutschen Gesellschaft. Die aktuelle repräsentative Umfrage von Dezember 2020 bis Frühjahr 2021 zeigt: Die "Mitte" ist gefordert, Haltung zu zeigen, Position zu beziehen und ihre Demokratie zu stärken! Dazu hat sie das Potenzial. Hasskampagnen, Gewalt, rechter Terror und neue rechte Gruppen haben die Mitte in den vergangenen Jahren getroffen. Nun kommt die Coronapandemie mit globalen Unsicherheiten und unkalkulierbaren Folgekrisen dazu. Was heißt das für die demokratische Orientierung der Gesellschaft? Die hier vorliegende Mitte-Studie 2020/21 erkennt sowohl Entwicklungen, die die Demokratie fördern, als auch solche, die sie gefährden. Die Mitte selbst schätzt den Rechtsextremismus als größte Bedrohung für die Demokratie ein, und hierin liegt die Chance, ihm zu begegnen

Background. The effective implementation of government policies and measures for controlling the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic requires compliance from the public. This study aimed to examine cross-sectional and longitudinal associations of trust ingovernment regarding COVID-19 control with the adoption of recommended health behaviours and prosocial behaviours, and potential determinants of trust in government duringthe pandemic.Methods. This study analysed data from the PsyCorona Survey, an international project onCOVID-19 that included 23 733 participants from 23 countries (representative in age andgender distributions by country) at baseline survey and 7785 participants who also completedfollow-up surveys. Specification curve analysis was used to examine concurrent associationsbetween trust in government and self-reported behaviours. We further used structural equation model to explore potential determinants of trust in government. Multilevel linear regressions were used to examine associations between baseline trust and longitudinal behavioural changes.Results. Higher trust in government regarding COVID-19 control was significantly associatedwith higher adoption of health behaviours (handwashing, avoiding crowded space, self-quarantine) and prosocial behaviours in specification curve analyses (median standardised β =0.173 and 0.229, p < 0.001). Government perceived as well organised, disseminating clear messages and knowledge on COVID-19, and perceived fairness were positively associated withtrust in government (standardised β = 0.358, 0.230, 0.056, and 0.249, p < 0.01). Higher trustat baseline survey was significantly associated with lower rate of decline in health behavioursover time ( p for interaction = 0.001).Conclusions. These results highlighted the importance of trust in government in the control of Covid-19.

The present paper examines longitudinally how subjective perceptions about COVID-19, one's community, and the government predict adherence to public health measures to reduce the spread of the virus. Using an international survey (N = 3040), we test how infection risk perception, trust in the governmental response and communications about COVID-19, conspiracy beliefs, social norms on distancing, tightness of culture, and community punishment predict various containment-related attitudes and behavior. Autoregressive analyses indicate that, at the personal level, personal hygiene behavior was predicted by personal infection risk perception. At social level, social distancing behaviors such as abstaining from face-to-face contact were predicted by perceived social norms. Support for behavioral mandates was predicted by confidence in the government and cultural tightness, whereas support for anti-lockdown protests was predicted by (lower) perceived clarity of communication about the virus. Results are discussed in light of policy implications and creating effective interventions.