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Organizational scholars have examined how social movements generate institutional change through contentious politics. However, little attention has been given to the role of prefigurative politics. The latter collapses expressive and strategic politics so as to enact the desired future society in the present and disrupt the reproduction of institutionalized structures that sustain deep-seated inequalities. The paper presents an ethnographic study of Occupy London and protesters' encounter with people living homeless to examine how prefigurative politics is organized in the face of entrenched inequalities. Findings show how the macro level inequalities that protesters set out to fight resurfaced in the day-to-day living in the camp itself. Initially, the creation of an exceptional space and communal space helped participants align expressive and strategic politics and imbued them with the emotional energy needed to confront challenges. But over time these deeply entrenched institutional inequalities frustrated participants' attempts to maintain an exceptional and communal space, triggering a spiral of decline. The dilemma faced by Occupy invites us to reflect on how everyday constraints may be suspended so as to open up imagination for novel, and more equal ways of organizing.

This article explores Fairtrade minimum price setting as an organizational formulation of a critical response to economic liberalism and its underlying notion of value—a subjective theory of value. The aim of the article is to show what happens if such meta-level philosophical debates on fairness and markets are lived out organizationally. This is achieved by using an ethnographic study of the price setting process of the Fairtrade Labelling Organizations. The case unpacks the complexities of defining a 'fair' price beyond the principle of marginal utility. I draw on French pragmatist sociology in order to decompose the political and moral constructions that underpin the organizational practices of minimum price setting. Challenging the assumption of free choice in neo-classical economics, Fairtrade redefines not only how value should be calculated, but also what it is it that should be valued and who values. This makes visible the political confrontation at the point of price determination, notably by providing a social arena for where conflicts of interest between opposing parties are played out. Once the producer enters price formation processes as a person and not only as the alienable owner of a commodity, the social, political and ecological and relations of production come to the fore that are otherwise concealed through the spontaneous market mechanism.

"Stitching Governance for Labour Rights Transnational labour governance is in urgent need of a new paradigm of democratic participation, with those who are most affected - typically workers - placed at the centre. To achieve this, principles of industrial democracy and transnational governance must come together to inform institutions within global supply chains. This book traces the development of 'transnational industrial democracy', using responses to the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster as the empirical context. A particular focus is placed on the Bangladesh Accord and the JETI Workplace Social Dialogue programme. Drawing on longitudinal field research from 2013-2020, the authors argue that the reality of modern-day supply chain capitalism has neither optimal institutional frameworks nor effective structures of industrial relations. Informed by principles of industrial democracy, the book aims at enhancing emerging forms of private transnational governance as second-best institutions. Juliane Reinecke is Professor of Management at Said Business School, University of Oxford. She is a Fellow at the Cambridge Institute for Sustainability Leadership and Research Fellow at Cambridge Judge Business School, from where she received her PhD. Juliane's research focuses on transnational governance, collective action and multi-stakeholder collaboration, sustainability in organizations and in global value chains. She serves as Associate Editor of Academy of Management Journal and as a trustee of the Society for the Advancement of Management Studies (SAMS). Jimmy Donaghey is Professor of Human Resource Management at the University of South Australia, Australia. His main research interests focus on the effects of internationalisation on the employment relationship. He is an editor of the journal Work, Employment and Society. Aside from his academic interest in employment relations, Jimmy has been an active participant in industrial relations in both the UK, where he was a branch officer and national executive member of UCU for over 15 years, and Australia, where he is currently branch secretary of the UniSA NTEU branch"--

Sustainability transitions have been studied as complex multi-level processes, but we still know relatively little about how they can be effectively governed, especially in transnational domains. Governance of transitions is often constrained by the equivocality of sustainability goals, the idiosyncrasy of niche experiments and the multiplicity of governance actors and interests. We study the role of transnational standard-setters in mitigating these challenges and governing sustainability transitions within a transnational sector. Our case is the global coffee sector where 'sustainability standards' are increasingly being adopted. We find that the emergence of a 'modular governance architecture' has helped diverse and heterogeneous actors turn sustainability from an ambiguous concept into a concrete set of semi-independent practices, while mitigating governance complexity. We show how standard-setters create governance modules through local niche experimentation, negotiate and legitimate their content with peers across local contexts, and re-integrate them into an emerging architecture. Our findings shed light on the role of modular processes in managing sustainability transitions and transnational governance, and the dynamics of meaning-making in this process.

While scholars have explained how business has increasingly taken on regulatory roles to address social and environmental challenges, less attention has been given to the process of how business is made responsible for wicked problems. Drawing on a study of ?conflict minerals? in the Democratic Republic of Congo, we examine the process through which companies became responsible for a humanitarian crisis. We contribute by: (1) bridging insights from contentious performance and deliberative approaches ? to present a model of corporate political responsibilization for a wicked problem that explains how a ?field frame? of responsibility can emerge; (2) explaining shifting boundaries between public and private responsibilities and the changing role of the state as catalytic rather than coercive; and (3) showing how responsibility can be attributed to a target by framing an issue and its root cause in ways that allow such an attribution, and how the attribution can diffuse and solidify.

Global labour governance has typically been approached from either industrial relations scholars focusing on the role of organised labour or social movement scholars focusing on the role of social movement organisations in mobilising consumption power. Yet, little work has focused on the interaction of the two. Using an exploratory case study of the governance response to the 2013 Rana Plaza disaster, this article examines how complementary capacities of production- and consumption-based actors generated coalitional power and contributed to creating the 'Accord for Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh', making it binding and convincing more than 180 brand-name companies to sign up. The research has implications for understanding how the interface between production and consumption actors may provide leverage to improve labour standards in global supply chains.

Whereas the deliberative democracy approach to ethics seeks to bridge universalist reason and contextual judgment to explain the emergence of intersubjective agreements, it remains unclear how these two are reconciled in practice. We argue that a sensemaking approach is useful for examining how ethical truces emerge in equivocal situations. To understand how actors navigate through ethical complexity, we conducted an ethnographic inquiry into the multistakeholder practices of setting Fairtrade Minimum Prices. We offer three contributions. First, we develop a process model of ethics as sensemaking that explains how actors come to collectively agree on what is ethical in complex situations, even if no complete consensus arises. Second, our findings suggest that moral intuition and affect also motivate ethical judgment alongside moral reasoning. Third, an ethical sensemaking perspective explains some of the pitfalls actors confront in coping with ethical complexities in practice and how they attend to the challenges arising from stark inequalities in extreme contexts.

Purpose Our aim is to deconstruct the idea of a "Big Society" such the one that has been suggested by Mr. D. Cameron. We want to show how this "BS" is inspired by the usual "right" libertarian philosophy. Instead of this, we suggest to support the idea of a solidarity economy (SE), much more embedded in the tradition of the libertarian socialism. methodology Following Boltanski and Thévenot, we selected key philosophical texts to identify the 'pure' principles of this libertarian socialism which guide justificatory operations that people perform in their everyday discourse. We analyzed the works written by the libertarian founder of the 19th mutualist movement, Proudhon. His writings luminously articulate the pure formulation of the four main principles which activists of SE continue to allude to in their justifications. Then, we illustrate these key principles by drawing on a larger research project on the SE in France. Findings We try to show that an alternative to the capitalism existes beside the communism : the socialist libertarianism. This chapter finds that this left libertarianism is not a new utopie. It is rooted in the long (but marginal) history of the SE, borned in the 19th century. Originality Specialists use to think that an economy managed from the left with some libertarian political principles has never been experienced for itself. We seek to illustrate what this may look like in the existing SE. Developing SE implies a reversal of the political programme of the "BS ": redistribute economic power not only from the state, but also from company directors and their shareholders, who, within the right libertarian point of view, can legitimately praise their 'charitable' donations to social organizations initiatives to demonstrate their generosity. ; Peer reviewed