Suchergebnisse

The Irish prison arena: Republican prisoners and the Northern Ireland conflict -- 'Portlaoise is an example for this': Portlaoise prison protests, 1973-77-- 'No prisoner has the right to advance the education of another': Education in Portlaoise prison -- The Harvey/McCaughey/Smith Cumann: Sinn Féin in Portlaoise prison, 1978-c.1986 -- 'He was just rhyming off pages of it': Internment & the Brownie papers, 1971-76/7 -- Marxist Esperanto and socialism in Cell 26: Reading, thinking & writing in the H-Blocks, 1983-89 -- 'It's only when you look back...': The fall of the Berlin wall and the peace process in the 1990s.

Neben der Darstellung des Wandels des Begriffs "Urkommunismus" in der archäologischen und marxistischen Forschung soll der Band auch zeigen, wie archäologische Befunde mittels der Methoden der Dialektik und des Materialismus interpretiert werden können.

First published online: 11 December 2019 ; While there exists a wide range of historical and social science literature on political prisoners during the Northern Ireland conflict between 1969 and 1998, little attention has been paid to the prison life of the individual internees and prisoners. Sport, in particular, played a very important part in the lives of both republican and loyalist prisoners. Historians have long been preoccupied with the motivations and inner lives of individuals, and indeed the emotional states of people in collectives such as camps and prisons. Using Irish republican internees and prisoners as a case study highlights precisely this aspect of their experiences. Between 2014 and 2017, I conducted 34 interviews with activists in the Provisional IRA that have been involved since the 1960s. I draw on these records to analyze why former prisoners who had spent up to three years in isolation and on no-wash and blanket protests would describe their internment and imprisonment as 'the best time of my life'. Indeed, their memories of sports in the camps and prisons were particularly happy and contributed to their nostalgic view of imprisonment.

The interview was conducted during the conference "Irish Society, History & Culture: 100 Years After 1916" at the European University Institute, Florence, 12 October 2016. ; Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), ; This is an interview with former IRA prisoners, 1981 hunger striker, and Irish Republican activist Laurence McKeown. He received an Open University Degree in HMP Maze and went on to conduct a PhD at Queen's University Belfast. McKeown is now a playwright who lives in the Republic of Ireland. In this interview, he speaks about growing up in the North of Ireland, how he became an Irish republican, the conflict in the North of Ireland, his prison experience in the H-Blocks of HMP Maze, the prison protests that led to the hunger strikes, and his life after prison, studying at university during the conflict, the sectarianism, and his life as a playwright.

The Irish language is witnessing a revival in some parts of Ulster. This revival is most visible in Belfast where An CheathrúGhaeltachta (Gaeltacht Quarter) was founded to promote the Irish language. While Irish was marginalized during the conflict in the North, Belfast, for example, had more Gaelscoileanna (Irish-language schools) than any other city in Ireland except Dublin and Cork in 2013. One of the most important aspects for this development was the release of the Irish Republican prisoners following the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. In contrast to the North, although considered as the national language in the southern Republic of Ireland, the Irish language is further declining in the South. Thus, while the former Republican prisoners perform a pivotal role in the North, their role in re-vitalising the language in the Republic is marginalized. By comparing the role of the Irish language in Long Kesh/HMP Maze and Portlaoise Prison, I will discuss two aspects for this North-South divergence. These two differences are first the role of former prisoners within their community, and second the colonial/post-colonial framework of the two states.

First published in January 2017 ; Um Erinnerungen an den Konflikt in Nordirland zu sammeln, kündigte die nord-irische Regionalregierung im September 2005 an, ein Oral History Archive (OHA) aufzubauen. Diese Ankündigung folgt der Kontroverse um das Boston College Bel-fast Project. Dabei handelt es sich um ein Oral History-Projekt, für das Interviews mit Republikanern und Loyalisten durchgeführt wurden. Im März 2011 kontaktierte die britische Regierung das US-Justizministerium, was zur Folge hatte, dass eine Sicher-stellungsanordnung für alle Aufnahmen dieses Projekts ausgestellt wurde. Seit nun-mehr zwei Sicherstellungsanordnungen ausgestellt wurden, begann eine intensive Debatte über wissenschaftliche Forschung, sensible Quellen und das Erbe des Nordir-landkonflikts in den USA und Irland. Bezugnehmend auf diese Debatte diskutiert dieser Artikel die Rolle von Oral History unter sensiblen Umständen wie politischen und bewaffneten Konflikten. Es handelt sich dabei um Feldforschung im sogenann-ten violent field. Am Beispiel einer Fallstudie zur irisch-republikanischen Frauenorga-nisation Cumann na mBan wird eine mögliche Methode zur Durchführung und Inter-pretation sensibler Interviewdaten vorgestellt. Der Artikel bietet einen Beitrag zur Erforschung paramilitärischer Organisationen mittels der Durchführung von Inter-views und zugleich eine methodische Einführung in semi-strukturierte Experteninter-views im violent field.

"Um Erinnerungen an den Konflikt in Nordirland zu sammeln, kündigte die nordirische Regionalregierung im September 2005 an, ein Oral History Archive (OHA) aufzubauen. Diese Ankündigung folgt der Kontroverse um das Boston College Belfast Project. Dabei handelt es sich um ein Oral History-Projekt, für das Interviews mit Republikanern und Loyalisten durchgeführt wurden. Im März 2011 kontaktierte die britische Regierung das US-Justizministerium, was zur Folge hatte, dass eine Sicherstellungsanordnung für alle Aufnahmen dieses Projekts ausgestellt wurde. Seit nunmehr zwei Sicherstellungsanordnungen ausgestellt wurden, begann eine intensive Debatte über wissenschaftliche Forschung, sensible Quellen und das Erbe des Nordirlandkonflikts in den USA und Irland. Bezugnehmend auf diese Debatte diskutiert dieser Artikel die Rolle von Oral History unter sensiblen Umständen wie politischen und bewaffneten Konflikten. Es handelt sich dabei um Feldforschung im sogenannten violent field. Am Beispiel einer Fallstudie zur irisch-republikanischen Frauenorganisation Cumann na mBan wird eine mögliche Methode zur Durchführung und Interpretation sensibler Interviewdaten vorgestellt. Der Artikel bietet einen Beitrag zur Erforschung paramilitärischer Organisationen mittels der Durchführung von Interviews und zugleich eine methodische Einführung in semistrukturierte Experteninterviews im violent field." (Autorenreferat)

This volume examines the critical factors and processes by which the Provisional Irish Republican movement campaign from 1969 to 1998 transformed a once acquiescent nationalist population in Northern Ireland into a counterpublic of resistance demanding national self-determination and social justice. Considering the establishment of Irish Republican community institutions, prison protests, Republican Feminism, and Provisional IRA media and communications, this volume explores the emergence of Republicanism as a mass social movement in the nationalist Catholic ghettos and rural regions of Northern Ireland in the 1970s - a development that helped to sustain the armed struggle of the Provisional Irish Republican Army for three decades. An examination of the emergence and transformative power of the counterpublic discourse and action of the Irish Republican movement, this volume provides a framework for conceptualizing counterpublics in social movement studies. As such it will appeal to scholars of sociology, history, and politics with interests in social movements and mobilization.